The relationship between China and Japan. Why the prospects for the development of Sino-Japanese trade and economic ties seem good
The history of China and Japan is different in nature, goals, methods, periods of cooperation, conflict stages, competitive exacerbations. Collaboration often turned into rivalry. However, the growing interdependence of the two states forces Tokyo to take this into account in political, economic and cultural contacts.
The Acquaintance of Countries begins its report from the year 57. At this time, the Chinese make records in their historical texts about the transfer of the golden seal by the emperor of the Late Han dynasty to the Wa people (as the Japanese were called). The arrival of the ambassadors of the country Na with tribute in speaks of the dependence of a small country on the Chinese rulers.
According to legend, the first chinese emperor Qin Shi Huandi equips the Chinese to Japan in search of the potion of immortality. The envoys told about many traditions of a kindred, as the Japanese declared, nation (they declared kinship with the descendants of Wu Taibo - wang of the state of Wu during the time of the Warring States). Special, close contacts between the two countries took place during the reign of the Tang dynasty. Japan sent a large number of students to study in China. The Chinese greeted them amiably. Those, in turn, were amazed by the beauty and grandeur.
Close cooperation resulted in the spread among the population of Japan, the culture, traditions of the Middle Kingdom (Chinese calculus according to lunar calendar, etc.), copying of architectural buildings, urban design. For example, the capitals of Japan and China were built according to the rules of Feng Shui. In everyday life, the Japanese include use. became the basis for the writing of the Japanese. However, the model of Chinese imperial rule in the Japanese state did not last long. Since the 10th century, the power of the clans has been established, family rivalry among the Japanese elite.
The first armed conflict took place in 663 on the Baekkan River. It was attended by the army of the Chinese Emperor Tang and the Silla state on the one hand and the troops of the Yamato state (Japan) and the Korean country of Baekche on the other. Silla pursued specific goals: the capture of Baekje. The defeat of three hundred Yamato ships brought the fall of Baekje closer. This historical fact for some time separated Japan from China, she had to polish naval skills, shipbuilding. The Ryukyu Islands have become a trans-shipment link in trade between countries.
Beginning in 1633, commercial deals with China were limited to the Tokugawa shogunate, which did not particularly concern China's imperial court. Trade relations between Japan and China resumed only in the 20th century.
In the 13th century, Japan was torn apart by civil wars. At this time, the Japanese pirates begin their triumphant march. They have become a serious problem for Korea and China. Khubilai, the Chinese emperor of the Mongol Yuan dynasty, sends ambassadors to Japan to stop pirate raids. But one of the messengers is beheaded by the Japanese government. The emperor could not endure such humiliation, he invades Japan by sea. Many centuries of sailing experience did not bring victory to Kublai. The invasion of Japan was unsuccessful.
Toyotomi Hideyoshi, one of those who unified Japan, dreamed of conquering China. But Korea became an obstacle, which did not allow Japanese troops to cross its borders. Another military conflict began between Japan and China. In 1592, the Chinese army was defeated in Pyongyang. A year later, in the great Chinese battle under the leadership of Li Rusun, the forty-five thousandth army drove out the Japanese, capturing Pyongyang. The Japanese counter-offensive was unsuccessful, they retreated. Four years of truce, the title of "King of Japan" did not calm Hideyoshi, he is conducting another campaign. The result was the destruction of Korean cities, culture, extermination of the population, the devastation of the treasury of China. The policy of isolation was dominant in Japan until the mid-19th century. The events of the following centuries widened the rift in relations between the two powers.
1894 - the first Sino-Japanese war. China leaves Manchuria, losing large numbers of ordinary people, paying huge compensation.
1915 is the famous 21 demand, in which Japan actually demanded submission from China. China ceded territory in Shandong to Japan.
1931 - Japan occupies Manchuria and creates a new country, Mantyukoku. Resistance to the Japanese invasion, diplomatic dialogues, and civil war contributed to the turbulent era of nationalist leadership.
The Nanjing Massacre in 1937 became a shameful fact in the history of Japan: 500,000 Chinese were massacred by Japanese soldiers. The experiments in the creation of bacteriological weapons (Detachment 731) on civilians and military personnel were distinguished by inhumanity. The famous one did not save the Chinese from the Japanese occupation.
Only after the complete surrender of Japan on September 9, 1945, the troops leave China, which for several years was agitated by the civil war.
It is safe to say that the events from 1894 to 1945 largely influenced the current and future Sino-Japanese relations. The following questions were the cornerstones:
1) Japan is rewriting history textbooks denying its aggression against China.
2) The question of Taiwan. China is protesting against Japan's actions to create two Chinas.
3) Claims to the Diaoyu Islands, which belong to the province of Taiwan, which since ancient times belongs to China.
4) The chemical weapons left by the Japanese after the occupation are still a threat to the population in our time (ecological disaster from decomposition chemical weapons worried about the population for decades).
Since 1979, relations between Japan and China have been moving to a higher quality, productive level. Japan provides China with low-interest loans, transfers one and a half billion aid. The main investments were Japanese technologies, production culture, technical assistance in the development of the automotive industry and the communication sphere.
China blames Japan for incident
The latest aggravation of Sino-Japanese relations, which occurred due to the incident with the detention of a Chinese fishing vessel, once again highlighted a whole range of unresolved problems between the countries. All agreements reached by Beijing and Tokyo on the problem of oil and gas fields in the East China Sea were in jeopardy, and the propaganda campaign in the Chinese media noticeably fueled anti-Japanese sentiment in society, which had been dormant in the past few years against the background of some improvement in relations between the countries.
It all began on September 7 with the detention of a Chinese fishing trawler by Japanese Coast Guard patrol ships. The Chinese media reported only the illegal actions of the Japanese side, as well as the collision of a fishing vessel with Japanese patrol ships. Details in the information space of the PRC were not specified. In contrast, the Japanese press gave a broad picture of what happened. According to the official version, the Chinese ship crashed first into the Japanese ship "Yonakuni", and then into the patrol ship "Mizuki". The Chinese trawler tried to hide from the Japanese border guards after they demanded to stop it to check the legality of fishing in the Diaoyu Islands, which are the subject of a territorial dispute between Beijing and Tokyo. Japan stated that a Chinese vessel was engaged in illegal fishing in its territorial waters.
China's reaction was immediate. On the same day, at a briefing for journalists, Chinese Foreign Ministry spokeswoman Jiang Yu said that Beijing reserves the right to retaliate in connection with this incident. "Official Beijing expresses serious concern about this incident," the Chinese diplomat emphasized, "and has already made a corresponding presentation to the Japanese side." "Diaoyu Island and the adjacent territories have long belonged to China, which opposes the Japanese side's so-called law enforcement activities and calls on Tokyo to refrain from actions in the area that threaten the safety of Chinese citizens," Jiang Yu said. "In connection with this incident, we reserve the right to retaliate," summed up the official representative of the PRC Foreign Ministry.
Just a few hours later, on September 7, Chinese Deputy Foreign Minister Song Tao summoned the Japanese ambassador to the PRC and made him a serious presentation in connection with the detention of a Chinese fishing vessel in the Diaoyu Islands / Senkaku /. In a conversation with the Ambassador, the Deputy Foreign Minister of the PRC demanded that "Japanese patrol ships stop illegal activities to detain Chinese fishing vessels." This was the beginning of a series of protests and harsh statements from Beijing. Japan, in turn, announced its intention to try the captain of a Chinese fishing trawler under its own laws.
Over the next few days, China's statements became more and more harsh, and warnings about the possible negative impact of this incident on the further development of bilateral relations began to sound in the protests of the Chinese Foreign Ministry. "We demand that the Japanese side unconditionally release the Chinese fishing vessel in order to avoid further complicating the situation," Chinese Foreign Ministry spokeswoman Jiang Yu said at a regular briefing. "The Diaoyu Islands have been part of Chinese territory since antiquity," she recalled Beijing's official position. In this regard, she stressed, "the detention of a Chinese fishing vessel by the Japanese side on the basis of Japanese laws is invalid and illegal." "The Chinese side cannot accept this," she said. Answering the question of reporters about whether this incident will affect the joint Sino-Japanese development of gas fields in the area of \u200b\u200bthe disputed Diaoyu Islands, Jiang Yu noted that "the issue of territorial ownership is very sensitive, the Japanese government itself understands how serious it can have on bilateral relations. generally".
Beijing's next step was to raise the level of official statements. On September 10, Chinese Foreign Minister Yang Jiechi protested. For this, the Japanese ambassador to China was once again summoned to the country's foreign policy department. Yang Jiechi demanded from the Japanese side "the immediate and unconditional release of the fishing vessel along with the captain and crew."
Japan remained cool in response to all these harsh statements from the Chinese Foreign Ministry and continued to insist on the need for the captain to respond to Japanese law. The situation began to gradually change after China, as one of the retaliatory measures on September 11, announced its decision to suspend negotiations with Japan on the East China Sea issues concerning the joint development of oil and gas fields in disputed areas. The talks between the two countries concerned the principles of a common understanding of the problems of the East China Sea, including the issues of territorial delimitation; their second round was scheduled for mid-September. "The Japanese side ignored the repeated strong representations and firm position of China, and stubbornly decided to bring the case of the captain of the Chinese ship under the so-called" legal procedure. "
China expresses extreme displeasure and the most serious protest in this regard, "the Chinese Foreign Ministry said in a statement.
The next day after this statement, a member of the State Council of the People's Republic of China Dai Bingguo made a demand to release the captain of the fishing trawler. situation. Dai Bingguo was not verbose, following the demand for the release of all detained Chinese citizens, he expressed hope that Japan "will make a wise political decision."
China's persistent demands forced Japan to make the first concessions, and on September 13, 14 crew members of the fishing trawler were freed, and the ship's captain remained in the Land of the Rising Sun awaiting the end of the trial. Over the next few days, China did not weaken its pressure, blaming Japan at the level of official statements for the aggravation of bilateral relations. At the same time, active propaganda was carried out in the media, heating up the intensity of passions around this incident and anti-Japanese sentiment in society.
After ten days of continuous statements, official protests and demands for the release of the detained captain of a Chinese fishing trawler, Beijing decided to go further and announced its sovereign rights to develop the Chunxiao oil and gas field in the East China Sea region, which is the subject of a territorial dispute with Japan. "China has full sovereign right and right of jurisdiction over the Chunxiao oil and gas field," Chinese Foreign Ministry spokeswoman Jiang Yu said. renovation works at the Chunxiao complex, Jiang Yu said, "The actions of the Chinese side in the area of \u200b\u200bthe Chunxiao field are absolutely legal."
Thus, the problem was raised, which is already for a long time is a stumbling block in relations between Beijing and Tokyo. For many years China and Japan have been unable to agree on issues related to the development of oil and gas fields and the delimitation of control areas in the East China Sea. Beijing does not recognize Japan's proposal to divide control zones along the median line and insists that its rights extend to the borders of the Chinese mainland shelf, which ends almost at the southern Japanese island of Okinawa.
One of Beijing's harshest retaliatory measures to the capture of a fishing trawler captain by Tokyo was a statement on the cessation of contacts with Japan at the ministerial level on September 19. "The Chinese side has repeatedly emphasized that the so-called Japanese court proceedings against the captain of a Chinese ship is illegal and useless," Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesman Ma Zhaoxu said in a statement. According to him, Beijing "demands that the Japanese side immediately and unconditionally release the Chinese captain." "If the Japanese side continues to act in its own way and add new mistakes to the existing mistakes, then the Chinese side will take tough retaliatory measures," said Ma Zhaoxu, stressing that "Japan will be solely responsible for the consequences."
It should be noted that in the very statement of the Chinese Foreign Ministry on the termination of ministerial contacts with Japan, nothing was said. This information appeared on the Xinhua News Agency tape, citing a source in the PRC Foreign Ministry. The Japanese side, in turn, stated that it had not received a corresponding notification from China.
The last tough move by Beijing before the Japanese prosecutor's office on September 24 made a decision to release the captain of a fishing vessel from custody was a statement from the Chinese Foreign Ministry, in which Japan was accused of encroaching on Chinese sovereignty. "Japan's illegal detention of Chinese fishermen and a Chinese vessel in the Diaoyu Islands area, as well as the continued application of so-called domestic prosecutions, is a serious infringement of China's sovereignty and an open challenge from Japan," Jiang Yu said. The incident, she said, "rocked the Chinese public and seriously damaged China-Japan relations." "Only if Japan immediately corrects its mistake and frees the Chinese captain will it be possible to avoid further deterioration in bilateral relations," the Chinese Foreign Ministry spokeswoman said. This requirement must be fulfilled immediately, she said, if Japan "truly values \u200b\u200bbilateral relations."
Observers indirectly associate the release of the Chinese captain with the detention of four Japanese citizens in Hebei province in northern China for illegal video filming of military installations in a protected area. Information about this appeared on September 23 - on the eve of the corresponding decision of the Japanese prosecutor's office. In a laconic report from the Xinhua News Agency, it was said that "the public security service of Shijiazhuang City took action against four people in accordance with the law after receiving information about their illegal activities." "The case is currently being investigated," the city's public security department said.
With the release of the crew of the fishing vessel and the captain, China did not stop its harsh attacks on Japan and demanded compensation and an apology from Tokyo for the incident in the Diaoyu Islands area. The detention of a Chinese fishing trawler and crew members, the Chinese Foreign Ministry said, "has become a gross encroachment on the territorial integrity of China, and the Chinese government expresses its strong protest against this." "In connection with this incident, the Japanese side must apologize and pay compensation," the Chinese Foreign Ministry said. At the same time, the Chinese Foreign Ministry stressed that China and Japan are closest neighbors and that "the continuation of the development of strategic mutually beneficial relations is in the interests of the peoples of the two countries." "Both sides should resolve the issues in Sino-Japanese relations through dialogue and consultation," the statement said.
In general, it should be noted that China placed all responsibility for the damage inflicted on bilateral relations on Japan, from which it requires concrete steps to rectify the situation.
Officially, Beijing has also vehemently denied numerous speculations in foreign media about a possible link between the arrest of four Japanese citizens for illegal video footage of military installations and the release of the captain of a Chinese fishing trawler the day after. China also made it clear that it intends to resolve the issue of the detained Japanese citizens on the basis of the legislation in force in the PRC. A number of experts believe that Beijing may show more resolve with the detained Japanese than Tokyo in the case of the captain of a Chinese fishing vessel.
The most serious aggravation of relations for last years
The diplomatic scandal between Japan and China threatens to be the most serious in recent years.
A Chinese fishing trawler was detained by the Japanese Coast Guard. During the arrest, he twice collided with patrol ships, but in the end he was taken under control and towed to the nearest port of Ishigaki Island / Okinawa Prefecture /. The ship's captain was arrested.
Such an incident in itself served as a pretext for a diplomatic scandal, but the situation was aggravated by the fact that the detention took place in the area of \u200b\u200bthe islands, which are the subject of a long-standing territorial dispute between Japan and China. The uninhabited Diaoyu Islands have been mentioned in Chinese chronicles as the territory of the Middle Kingdom since the middle of the 14th century. The archipelago came under the control of the Japanese Empire along with Taiwan among the nearby islands after the victory over China in the war of 1894-1895 and received the official name Senkaku.
In 1944, there was an internal territorial dispute in Japan over the ownership of the islands between the prefectures of Okinawa and Taihoku / Taiwan /, which the Tokyo court ruled in favor of the latter. A year later, Japan surrendered in World War II and abandoned all of its conquests and, in particular, Taiwan. According to Beijing's logic, Tokyo was supposed to return Senkaku along with Taiwan, but Japan retained its sovereignty over the archipelago. Disagreeing with this decision, China first focused on the territorial dispute in 1992, declaring the islands "primordially Chinese territory." In 1999, a large gas field was discovered in the East China Sea near Senkaku. All of these factors have since fueled a smoldering territorial conflict that has escalated from time to time.
However, this time the PRC's retaliatory measures to the detention of the ship were somewhat unexpected and extremely unpleasant for Japan. In addition to a series of calls to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Japanese Ambassador to China, Beijing reacted by immediately terminating negotiations on joint development of gas fields in the East China Sea with Tokyo. Moreover, the Chinese side transported unknown equipment to the area of \u200b\u200bgas fields that could be used for drilling, which would be contrary to the Sino-Sino agreement. In addition, Beijing has stopped exporting rare earth metals to Japan and has also suspended joint tourism projects. All of this has caused serious concern in Tokyo.
Nevertheless, the Japanese government responded to China's statements in a rather familiar way, expressing regret for Beijing's unfriendly actions and offering to calmly sort out the situation, but the latter refused to enter into dialogue. China was not satisfied with the release of the detained ship, since the captain of the ship remained in custody in Japan, whom the country's authorities intended to try. According to Japanese law, he faced three years in prison or about $ 6,000 in fines. A stalemate ensued in the conflict, which lasted for two weeks. Everything changed only after 4 employees of the Japanese company Fujita - citizens of Japan - were detained in the Chinese province of Hebei for illegal filming of a chemical weapons disposal plant under construction.
In Tokyo, this detention was taken as a signal from the PRC about the desire to exchange the detained Japanese for the captain of the trawler. On the same day, by the decision of the prosecutor's office, the Chinese citizen was released from custody and he returned to the PRC on a charter flight.
The decision of the Japanese prosecutor's office to release the captain of the violating vessel was rather skeptical in the Japanese media. Almost no one believed the assurances of the government and personally of Prime Minister Naoto Kan that the decision to release was made by the prosecutor's office independently, and not under pressure from the PRC.
In particular, the Nikkei newspaper questioned that all procedures stipulated by the law had been duly followed upon the release of the Chinese citizen. Sankei said the incident "damaged Japan's sovereignty and national interests."
"Mainichi" called the decision of the prosecutor's office "difficult to understand" and considered it "strange for the prosecutor's office" to justify its actions by the state of bilateral relations with another state.
The general consensus in the Japanese media was that the Japanese leadership was short-sighted as it misidentified Beijing's purpose in the current diplomatic conflict. Back in mid-September, prominent American analyst Richard Armitage, during his visit to Tokyo, met with Japanese Cabinet Secretary General Yoshito Sengoku and drew his attention to the fact that China, by aggravating relations, is testing Japan's position. This was also indicated by the fact that Beijing behaved unexpectedly aggressively and took real and rather serious countermeasures, while earlier all cases of aggravation of the territorial dispute between China and Japan were usually limited to the exchange of several tough statements. It was clear that the release of the Chinese citizen was not the only thing Beijing was trying to achieve.
And this version was confirmed. The PRC was not satisfied with the return of the trawler captain to his homeland and in the next statement of its Foreign Ministry demanded an apology and compensation from Japan, since the detention of the ship became "a gross encroachment on the territorial integrity of China." Moreover, Beijing refused to discuss the release of four Fujita employees, which was expected in Tokyo in response to the captain's return. Thus, the release of the Chinese citizen, indeed, was a diplomatic defeat for Japan, while China pushed Tokyo to one more thing - the de facto recognition of the PRC's sovereignty over the disputed islands. Of course, the Japanese Foreign Ministry called China's demands unacceptable. Prime Minister Kang said Japan would not discuss the archipelago's ownership with Beijing.
Nevertheless, now that the conflict has once again passed into the waiting stage, the advantage is rather on the side of China, since Japan has voluntarily given up serious leverage over the PRC.
Further development events largely depend on the goals that Beijing sets itself. If China really expects to convince Tokyo to give up Senkaku, then the pressure from it will continue and a protracted crisis will set in in Sino-Japanese relations. Leaving it with minimal losses will require great diplomatic efforts from Tokyo. This may become almost the main foreign policy problem that Naoto Kan's cabinet will have to solve.
However, there are several more points of view on the goals of the PRC in this conflict. So, according to "Mainichi", the aggravation of relations with Tokyo can be directed primarily at the internal audience. Perhaps the Chinese leadership is playing on the national feelings of the population of its country and thus strengthening its authority. This version is supported by the scale of the protests that were organized several times at Japanese diplomatic missions throughout China.
Another opinion about the conflict was voiced by the aforementioned Richard Armitage. According to him, Beijing's actions are "a warning to Vietnam, Malaysia, the Philippines and Taiwan regarding the disputed territories." With all these countries, China is engaged in territorial disputes, seeking control over the South China Sea. According to the analyst, Beijing is trying to demonstrate in advance its decisiveness in resolving these issues in its favor.
Ivan Kargapoltsev, Beijing Yaroslav Makarov, Tokyo
After the normalization of diplomatic relations between China and Japan in 1972, bilateral trade and economic ties are developing rapidly. In 2005, the total volume of trade between the two sides increased by more than 160 times. From 1993 to 2003, Japan has always been China's largest trading partner. In 2007, the gross trade between China and Japan reached $ 236 billion, China became Japan's largest trading partner, Japan ranked third among China's trading partners. Sino-Japanese economic ties can develop dynamically and have the prospects for steady development due to the following factors:
First, China and Japan are neighboring states separated by a narrow strip of water. Geographic proximity is a favorable condition for the development of international trade and economic cooperation.
Japan, as the second largest economy in the world, has overtaken China in high and new technology manufacturing, technology-intensive and capital-intensive industries, has advanced technologies for energy saving and protection environment, has extensive experience in raising the country by means of technology. And China is the world's largest developing country, with an economy that has gained fast development, a large market demand has formed. Differences in resources and economic structure have determined greater complementarity between the two sides in the process of economic development.
Third, in recent years, China has made tremendous efforts to put into practice the concept of scientific development, promote a change in the way of economic growth, and regard energy conservation and environmental protection as important economic goals... Japan has advanced environmental technology and is striving to become a powerful environmental protection country. This will expand the space for trade, economic and technical cooperation between China and Japan.
Fourth, Japan is a densely populated country, eastern region China's most advanced economy is also densely populated. They have some environmental similarities. Moreover, Japan can provide some experience and models of social development.
Fifth, Sino-Japanese trade and economic relations are developing against a global background, against the backdrop of economic globalization and the trend towards integration of the regional economy. Between economies different countries there is a complex interpenetration, or, as they say, in you there is mine, and in me there is yours. Economic ties between China and Japan have developed precisely against such a background and with such a basic trend, which is why we must keep up with them. In a sense, Sino-Japanese economic relations are becoming "global relations" every day. Recently, China, Japan, the Republic of Korea, along with other East Asian countries, launched the fund's plan to counter potential global financial shocks. This testified that the economic cooperation of the East Asian countries was already of a certain strategic nature, that economic integration in the East Asia region should also achieve something.
Sixth, economic ties are essentially a kind of mutually beneficial relationship; this feature is even more clearly characterized by China's economic ties. For example, Japanese government assistance, enterprise investments play a huge role in the socio-economic development of China, on the other hand, the export of Japanese goods to China significantly helped to rid Japan of the economic depression that lasted for 10 years, the export of Chinese products to Japan is beneficial to maintaining a higher the standard of living of the Japanese people.
It should be said that the current Sino-Japanese ties have acquired a fairly large scale, and, moreover, are relatively strong. If both sides can better regulate national psychology and remove political obstacles, then they will gain even more momentum and confidence in economic cooperation. In the past ten years, Japan has experienced economic stagnation to some extent, fearing a trend of economic marginalization. Asia has now become a driving force for the growth of the world economy, and the future of the Japanese economy must also be in Asia.
In the future, the Chinese economy will develop rapidly in the course of regulating the production structure and improving the technical level, which will give a new impetus to the development of trade and economic relations between China and Japan, at the same time, will also open up a new space for cooperation. In the future, if only both sides, taking into account the interests of the whole, act in accordance with the requirements of the time, they will undoubtedly be able to raise new level Sino-Japanese trade and economic ties. (The author of the article is Huang Qing, editor of the highest category of the People's Daily) - about-
中日经贸为什么前景看好
自 １９７２ 年 中 日 邦交 正常化 以来 ， 中 日 经贸 关系 发展 迅速 ， 至 ２００５ 年 ， 双方 贸易额 增长 了 １６０ 多倍。 在 １９９３ 年 至 ２００３ 年 期间 ， 日本 一直 是 中国 最 直 的 ２００７ 年 ， 中 日 双边贸易 总额 达 ２３６０ 亿 美元 ， 中国 是 日本 最大 的 贸易 伙伴 ， 日本 是 中国 第三 大 贸易 伙伴。 中 日 经济 关系 之所以 能 迅速 发展 并 具有 持续 发展 的 具有 持续 发展 的 前景 ， 有 如下 几个 因素 ： 其一 ， 中 日 两国 是 “一衣带水 、 一 苇 可 航” 的 邻国 ， 地理 上 接近 成为 国际 贸易 和 经济 合作 的 良好 条件。 其二 ， 日本 作为 世界 第二 经济 大 国 ， 在 高新技术 产业 、 技术 密集型 产业 、 资金 密集型 产业 上 领先 中国 ， 拥有 先进 的 节能 环保 技术 和 技术 立国 经验。 中国 是 世界 上 最大 的 发展中国家 ， ３０ 年 来 经济 发展 迅速 ， 市场 需求 旺盛。 资源 和 经济 结构 的 了 双方 在 经济 发展 的 过程 中 有 很强 的 互补 性。 其 三 ， 近年来 ， 中国 着力 实践 科学 发展 观 ， 推动 经济 增长 方式 的 转变 ， 节能 和 环保 成为 重要 的。 日本 拥有 先进 的 环保 技术 ， 亦有 成为 环保 大 国 的 意向 ， 这 将 进一步 扩大 中 日 之间 经贸 和 技术 合作 的 空间。 其 四 ， 日本 是 一个 人口稠密 的 国家 ， 中国 经济 最 发达 的 东部 地区 也是 人口稠密 的 地区 ， 的 之间 有 若干 环境 相近 性。 在 社会 发展 方面 ， 日本 亦可 提供 某些 可 借鉴 的 经验 和 模式。 其 五 ， 中 日 经贸 关系 有 一个 世界性 的 大 背景 ， 就是 经济 全球化 和 区域 经济 一一 的 趋势。 各国 经济 之间 日益 呈现 “你 中 有 我 ， 我 中 有 你” 的 复杂 关联。 中 日 经济 关系 就是 在 这种 大 背景 、 大 趋势 下 发展 起来 的 ， 也 必须 顺应 这样 的 大 背景 和 大 趋势。 在 某种意义上, 中 日 经济 关系 日益 “世界 中 的 中 日 经济 关系”。 最近 ， 中 日韩 和 其它 东亚 国家 启动 了 应对 潜在 世界 金融 动荡 的 基金 计划 ， 反映出 东亚 国家 的 经济 合作 已 具有 一定 的 战略 性质 ， 说明 东亚 地区 在 经济 一 One 上 也 必须 有所作为。 其 六 ， 经济 关系 在 本质 上 是 一种 “互惠” 关系 ， 中 日 经济 关系 的 这种 特点 更为 明显 。 例如 ， 日本 的 政府 援助 、 企业 投资 等 对 中国 的 经济 社会 发展 颇有 助益 ， 另 One方面 ， 日本 对华 出口 对 日本 经济 走出 10 年 低迷 很有帮助 ， 中国 对 日 出口 则 对 日本 人民 保持 较高 生活水平 很有帮助。 应该 说 ， 当前 中 日 经贸 关系 已有 相当 规模 ， 而且 比较 坚固。 如果 双方 能 更好 地 调适 民族 心理 ， 消除 政治 障碍 ， 在 经济 合作 上 则 会有 更强 的 动力 和 信心。 日本 近 １０ 年 经济 不大 景气 ， 有 经济 边缘化 的 忧虑。 当前 ， 亚洲 是 世界 经济 增长 的 动力 源 ， 日本 的 经济 前途 也 应该 是 在 亚洲。 未来 ， 中国 经济 会 在 产业结构 调整 和 技术 升级 上 有 较快 的 发展 ， 这 会给 中 日 经贸 关系 带来 一些 新 的 因素 ， 同时 也会 开拓 新 的 合作 空间。 未来 ， 只要 中 日 双方 在 经贸 关系 上 有 大局观 ， 有 胸怀 ， “君子 顺势 而 为” 的 态度 ， 定 定 中 中 日 经贸 关系 推向 新 的 高度。
At present, Japan and China are ready to provide each other with all possible assistance in solving many problems. Relations between the countries returned to normal about 30 years ago. According to the representatives of Japan, this is the result of the efforts of both sides. For further peaceful cooperation, it is necessary to take into account common experience, history lessons and previously signed documents.
Today, relations between the two countries are governed by 3 documents: the 1979 Joint Communiqué, the 1978 Peace and Cooperation Agreement and the 1998 Joint Japan-China Declaration.
The formation of Japanese imperialism, rapid economic and military expansion in the Far East determined two main directions of Japanese policy:
elimination of unequal treaties with Western countries, in geopolitics this direction took shape as Asianism;
expansion into the external possessions of Asia, for which other states have not yet particularly claimed.
In Japanese geopolitics, there is conventionally identified directions that are independent and dependent on German geopolitics. The center of independent geopolitical research before World War II was the Imperial University of Kyoto. The head of the Kyoto school of geopolitics is S. Komaki, the head of the country's first department of geography.
In May 2008, Hu Jintao became the first Chinese president to make an official state visit to Japan in the past 10 years, and called for increased cooperation between the two countries. The joint agreement between President Hu and Japanese Prime Minister Yasuo Fukuda states: "Both countries agree that Japan and China share a great responsibility for world peace and development in the 21st century."
Objectively, Japan is a mediator between the United States and China, capable of influencing both sides. It is Japan that is interested in the existence of Chaimerica. Any conflict on the principle of "you are for white or for red" is unprofitable for her. Well-established economic ties are being broken, production is falling, banking capital is under the threat of excessive control, etc. However, all influence presupposes strategy and vision of the ideal picture. We can imagine this picture as the preservation of Japanese influence on the United States and further on Europe. That is, Japan for US dominance in european life... China fits into this picture quite easily, since China is also interested in US dominance in Europe, if the US does not impede China's development. But there are serious contradictions between China and Japan in Southeast Asia. However, they can become critical only if all other players - the USA, Korea, Europe and India - are driven out of Southeast Asia. The easiest way to maintain balance is to diversify your connections. China gets a market in Africa and Latin America, a sales market in Europe, access to oil in the Persian Gulf in exchange for maintaining the interests of other countries in Southeast Asia. We are now seeing this picture. The question is, to what extent Japan is able to maintain favorable rules of the game for it in the long term. The attitude of the Japanese towards the Chinese is ambivalent - a mixture of contempt and respect. Japan is in the cultural orbit of China, but has fought or plundered China many times. It is in its own way unprofitable for a too strong America, the fear of which made it abandon the leap and attempts to take first place in the world, and too strong China.
Japan is well aware that a leading role in the world is unattainable. Moreover, one cannot bet on the eternal hegemony of the United States in the world. All hegemons fall into decay at some point. Its successes are much more centralized than China's. Japan faces a number of threats, which it can eliminate only through unification with China into a kind of alliance that can end US power in the Pacific region. In the event of this alliance, the United States will leave the Far East forever. the Japanese become a nation forever independent of the West. The only question is whether the Japanese have a similar need. Most likely, yes, they do. The entire history of Japan from the first moments of European penetration into the Far East is a struggle for independence. For Japan, the collapse of Russia is objectively beneficial. Taking the Kuriles, Sakhalin, and, possibly, Kamchatka in addition, Japan gets the maximum, allowing it to go later under the auspices of China. From that moment on, Japan no longer needed the United States. As soon as Japan unites with China, the multi-billion dollar spending that the country incurs to maintain influence over the United States is freed. A rather curious situation arises today. Than more China develops, the more profitable for Japan is the partition of Russia. And at the same time, the more China develops, the less profitable for Japan is China's expansion to the south by political and, all the more, by military methods. When forming the union of the Far Eastern states, Japan is objectively interested in preserving the borders in Southeast Asia. However, it is too difficult to withdraw the United States from this region.
September 29, 2012 marks the 40th anniversary of the establishment of diplomatic relations between China and Japan. However, the leaderships of both countries decided to cancel the celebrations due to the dispute over the islands in the East China Sea. The islands are under the de facto control of Japan, where they are called Senkaku, but the PRC considers them part of its territory and calls them Diaoyu / Taiwan is also involved in the dispute over the islands /.
Tensions in the region increased after the Japanese government announced on September 11, 2012 that it was buying three of the five uninhabited islands of the archipelago from a private Japanese owner, thus deciding to nationalize them. After that, massive anti-Japanese demonstrations took place in the PRC, accompanied by pogroms. The diplomatic scandal led to problems in bilateral economic relations. A number of Japanese businesses in the PRC have suspended their operations for security reasons, and Chinese customs have slowed down the clearance of goods from Japan.
Both sides took an extremely tough stance - the Chinese Foreign Ministry called on Japan to reconsider its decision to nationalize the islands, and the Chinese Defense Ministry stressed that "the Chinese armed forces reserve the right to retaliate in connection with Japan's purchase of the Diaoyu Islands." Japanese Foreign Minister Koichiro Gemba, in turn, said that Japan would never change its decision. The actions of the Japanese side "were illegal and seriously damaged the Sino-Japanese relations, spoiling the atmosphere of the 40th anniversary," the Chinese side said.
Historically, relations between neighboring countries have evolved quite difficult.
Diplomatic relations between China and Japan were established on September 29, 1972; previously, relations at the state level were not maintained. The main reason is the grave consequences of the Japanese occupation in 1937-1945, during which China lost more than 3 million soldiers, 18 million civilians "were killed or injured." More than 50,000 Chinese have died as a result of Japan's use of chemical weapons.
In a joint statement signed in 1972 by the heads of government Zhou Enlai and Tanaka, it was indicated that relations between the two countries would be based on the principles of peaceful coexistence, "all disputes will be resolved peacefully without the use of force or threat of force." The Japanese side recognized the PRC government as the only legitimate government of China and expressed "full understanding and respect" in connection with the PRC's statement that Taiwan is an integral part of the territory of China. The Japanese government announced that the 1952 Japan-Taiwan Treaty had ceased to exist. The PRC abandoned its demand for Japan to pay war reparations. In the spring of 1973, China and Japan exchanged embassies.
In 1974, negotiations began on the conclusion of a Treaty of Peace and Friendship, which lasted for about four years. The treaty, signed on August 12, 1978 in Beijing, provided for the obligations of the parties to build relationships based on the principles of mutual respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity, non-aggression, non-interference in each other's internal affairs, equality, mutual benefit and peaceful coexistence.
Until October 2001, meetings between the leaders of the two countries were held regularly. Prime Minister of the State Council Hua Guofeng / 1980 /, Premier Zhao Ziyang / 1982 / visited Japan general secretary CPC Central Committee Hu Yaobang / 1983 /, Premier of the State Council of the People's Republic of China Li Peng / 1989, 1997 /, Chairman of the People's Republic of China Jiang Zemin / 1998 /, Premier Zhu Rongji / 2000 /. The prime ministers of Japan visited Beijing - Ohira / 1979 /, Suzuki / 1982 /, Nakasone / 1984, 1986 /, Takeshita / 1988 /, Kaifu / 1991 /, Watanabe / 1992 /, Hosokawa / 1994 /, Murayama / 1995 /, Hashimoto / 1997 /, Obuchi / 1999 /, Junichiro Koizumi / 2001 /. The 20th anniversary of the establishment of diplomatic relations between the countries in 1992 was marked by an official visit to Japan in April by General Secretary of the CPC Central Committee Jiang Zemin and in October by Emperor Akihito's visit to China. For the first time in the history of bilateral relations, the Emperor of Japan offered "the highest words" an apology for the period of Japanese colonial rule in China.
In 1984, during a visit to Beijing by Prime Minister Nakasone, the establishment of the Japan-China Friendship Committee in the 21st century was announced, the purpose of which was to "study the possibilities of expanding good-neighborly relations between the two countries in the fields of politics, economy, culture, science and technology." ... The Sino-Japanese Friendship Committee for the 21st Century was established in July 2003 as a political advisory intergovernmental organization.
Since 1984, after the visit to Japan of the Chinese Minister of Defense Zhang Aiping, contacts between the military departments of the two countries began to actively develop. However, after the suppression of student protests in Tiananmen Square in June 1989, Japan froze all ties with the PRC armed forces until August 1996. In 2000, an agreement was reached on the exchange of ship visits. On November 28, 2007, the Chinese Navy ship / missile destroyer Shenzhen / for the first time in post-war history entered a Tokyo port on a friendly visit.
Since March 1994, bilateral consultations have been held on security issues. In July 1995, in connection with Tokyo's concerns about the conduct of another nuclear test by China (October 1994), consultations were held in Beijing on the issue of nonproliferation of nuclear weapons. In August 1995, the Japanese government announced the freezing of most of the gratuitous aid to China in protest against its tests (resumed in November 1996).
By the end of the last century, the process of normalizing interstate relations as a whole made significant progress. In a joint declaration of 1998, signed in Tokyo by the leaders of the two countries, they declared their aspiration for "partnership in the spirit of friendship and cooperation." However, some problems remained unresolved. The events of the war of 1937-1945 remained the source of the Japanese-Chinese contradictions. According to the Chinese side, "Japan has not learned from history and still distorts or conceals the facts of its aggression against Asian countries in the twentieth century. "For some time, Japan refused to take on any obligations in solving the problem of chemical weapons left on Chinese territory by the Japanese army. According to Japanese data, about 700 thousand remained in China after the war. chemical shells, and according to Chinese information - at least 2 million. In July 1999, the parties signed a memorandum, according to which the problem was to be solved by 2007 at the expense of the Japanese side. However, work began in 2000, the first ammunition depot was eliminated in September 2002 On September 1, 2010, Japan and China announced the opening of a chemical weapons destruction plant.
The period 2001-2005, when Junichiro Koizumi held the post of Prime Minister in Japan, was marked by a sharp aggravation of relations. The 30th anniversary of the establishment of diplomatic relations / 2002 / was held against the backdrop of acute diplomatic disagreements; the visit to Beijing of the Crown Prince of Japan Naruhito and his wife was postponed. The tension in relations was primarily caused by Beijing's discontent with the prime minister's annual campaigns to the Tokyo Yasukuni temple, which is considered throughout Asia as a symbol of Japanese militarism. In addition, in October 2005, Koizumi announced that he intends to revise the peaceful provisions of the country's constitution, which proclaims a renunciation of war and prohibits Japan from having armed forces to resolve international disputes. Twice in 2005 / in May and December / Vice Premier Wu Yi and the head of the Chinese government Wen Jiabao refused their scheduled meetings with Junichiro Koizumi.
Japanese-Chinese relations escalated in April 2005, when a wave of thousands of anti-Japanese protests and pogroms took place in large cities of China. Japanese companies and diplomatic missions suffered significant damage. The reason was the next publication of a history textbook, which omitted the details of the Nanjing massacre - the events of 1937 in the city of Nanjing, when the Japanese army killed over 300 thousand civilians and prisoners of war.
The concern of the Chinese leadership was caused by Japan's approach to the Taiwan problem. Beijing regarded the US and Japan's attempts to include this island in the scope of their military treaty as interference in internal affairs. Japan's desire to become a permanent member of the UN Security Council, as well as Tokyo's plans to develop self-defense forces, including the construction of own system missile defense in cooperation with the United States. By the end of 2005, the political dialogue between the countries was almost completely stopped.
In 2006, Sino-Japanese relations intensified somewhat. This process was initiated by Prime Minister Shinzo Abe, who visited China on October 8-9, 2006. During the visit, which was the first foreign visit of the new head of the Japanese government, the parties agreed to unfreeze the political dialogue.
On April 11-13, 2007, Premier Wen Jiabao visited Japan. This was the first visit of the head of the Chinese government to Tokyo in six and a half years, and on December 27-30, the head of the Japanese government, Yasuo Fukuda, visited the PRC. Much attention was then drawn to the friendly baseball match held between the heads of government of the PRC and Japan / Fukuda-Wen / at the Diaoyutai residence. Following the visit, Wen Jiabao signed several important documents in various areas of the economy, including nuclear energy and environmental protection. Positions on "questions of history" were diplomatically bypassed.
Since 2008, meetings between the leaders of the countries have been held quite regularly: on May 6-10, 2008, the official visit of the President of the People's Republic of China Hu Jintao took place; in April 2009, the Prime Minister of Japan, Taro Aso, visited the People's Republic of China; in mid-December 2009, with the first official visit to Tokyo, the deputy. President of the People's Republic of China Xi Jinping; in May 2010, Premier of the State Council of the People's Republic of China Wen Jiabao held talks in Tokyo with Japanese Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama, during which the parties, in particular, agreed to continue negotiations on joint gas production in the East China Sea; in December 2011 and May 2012, Japanese Prime Minister Yoshihiko Noda visited China / in May there was no bilateral meeting with Chinese leader Hu Jintao /.
Of particular importance for the development of bilateral relations was the official visit of Chinese President Hu Jintao on May 6-10, 2008, during which the Chinese leader and Japanese Prime Minister Yasuo Fukuda signed a Joint Statement on the Comprehensive Development of Strategic Mutually Beneficial Relations, which defines the guiding principles for the long-term development of relations between the two countries. The document includes five main points that the parties must fulfill in order to build "strategically mutually beneficial relations." The leaders agreed that "in the long term, cooperation, peace and friendship are the only choice for Japan and China." An agreement was signed to establish Cultural Centers in Tokyo and Beijing. Yasuo Fukuda and Hu Jintao agreed to "exchange visits for the highest level at least once a year "and the transformation of the East China Sea into a" sea of \u200b\u200bpeace, cooperation and friendship "by common efforts.
However, even at present, the problem of the Senkaku / Diaoyu archipelago in the East China Sea remains the main obstacle to the development of Japanese-Chinese relations. The September 2012 conflict, accompanied by numerous anti-Japanese pogroms and protests, became the most serious in recent years. Two issues remain controversial: the ownership of the islands, as well as the question of the demarcation of the demarcation line dividing their exclusive economic zones. The solution to these problems is complicated by the alleged presence of deposits of natural resources, including oil and gas. The foreign ministers of Japan and China, at a meeting on September 26, 2012 in New York, "expressed completely opposite opinions" on the problem of belonging to the Senkaku / Diaoyu Islands /.
