Japan, China and Korea as intertwined stories. China vs. Japan: The Big Game in Asia

After the normalization of diplomatic relations between China and Japan in 1972, bilateral trade and economic relations are developing rapidly. In 2005, the total volume of trade between the two sides increased more than 160 times. From 1993 to 2003, Japan has always been China's largest trading partner. In 2007, the gross trade between China and Japan reached $ 236 billion, China became Japan's largest trading partner, Japan ranked third among China's trading partners. Sino-Japanese economic ties can develop dynamically and have the prospects for steady development due to the following factors:

First, China and Japan are neighboring states separated by a narrow strip of water. Geographical proximity is a favorable condition for the development of international trade and economic cooperation.

Japan, as the second largest economy in the world, has surpassed China in high and new technology manufacturing, technology-intensive and capital-intensive industries, has advanced technologies for energy saving and protection environment, has extensive experience in raising the country by means of technology. And China is the world's largest developing country, with an economy gaining fast development, a large market demand has formed. Differences in resources and economic structure have determined greater complementarity between the two sides in the process of economic development.

Third, in last years China has made tremendous efforts to put into practice the concept of scientific development, promote changes in the way of economic growth, and regard energy conservation and environmental protection as important economic goals. Japan has advanced environmental technology and is striving to become a powerful environmental protection country. This will expand the space for trade, economic and technical cooperation between China and Japan.

Fourth, Japan is a densely populated country, and China's easternmost economies are also densely populated. They have some environmental similarities. Moreover, Japan can provide some experience and models of social development.

Fifth, Sino-Japanese trade and economic relations are developing against a global background, against the backdrop of economic globalization and the trend towards integration of the regional economy. Between economies different countries there is a complex interpenetration, or, as they say, in you there is mine, and in me there is yours. Economic ties between China and Japan have developed precisely against such a background and with such a basic trend, which is why we must keep pace with them. In a sense, Sino-Japanese economic relations are becoming "global relations" every day. Recently, China, Japan, the Republic of Korea, along with other East Asian countries, launched the fund's plan to counter potential global financial shocks. This testified that the economic cooperation of the East Asian countries was already of a certain strategic nature, that economic integration in the region East Asia should also achieve something.

Sixth, economic ties are essentially a kind of mutually beneficial relationship; this feature is even more clearly characterized by China's economic ties. For example, Japanese government assistance, enterprise investments play a huge role in the socio-economic development of China, on the other hand, the export of Japanese goods to China significantly helped to rid Japan of the economic depression that lasted for 10 years, the export of Chinese products to Japan is beneficial to maintaining a higher the standard of living of the Japanese people.

It should be said that the current Sino-Japanese ties acquired a fairly large scale, moreover, they are relatively strong. If both sides can better regulate national psychology and remove political obstacles, then they will gain even more momentum and confidence in economic cooperation. In the past ten years, Japan has experienced economic stagnation to some extent, fearing a trend of economic marginalization. Now Asia has become the driving force behind the growth of the world economy, and the future of the Japanese economy should also be in Asia.

In the future, the Chinese economy will develop rapidly in the course of regulating the production structure and improving the technical level, which will give a new impetus to the development of trade and economic relations between China and Japan, at the same time, will also open up a new space for cooperation. In the future, if only both sides, taking into account the interests of the whole, act in accordance with the requirements of the times, they will undoubtedly be able to raise the Sino-Japanese trade and economic ties to a new level. (The author of the article is Huang Qing, editor of the highest category of the People's Daily) - about-

中日经贸为什么前景看好

自１９７２年中日邦交正常化以来，中日经贸关系发展迅速，至２００５年，双方贸易额增长了１６０多倍。在１９９３年至２００３年期间，日本一直是中国最直的２００７年，中日双边贸易总额达２３６０亿美元，中国是日本最大的贸易伙伴，日本是中国第三大贸易伙伴。中日经济关系之所以能迅速发展并具有持续发展的具有持续发展的前景，有如下几个因素：其一，中日两国是 “一衣带水、一苇可航” 的邻国，地理上接近成为国际贸易和经济合作的良好条件。其二，日本作为世界第二经济大国，在高新技术产业、技术密集型产业、资金密集型产业上领先中国，拥有先进的节能环保技术和技术立国经验。中国是世界上最大的发展中国家，３０年来经济发展迅速，市场需求旺盛。资源和经济结构的了双方在经济发展的过程中有很强的互补性。其三，近年来，中国着力实践科学发展观，推动经济增长方式的转变，节能和环保成为重要的目标。日本拥有先进的环保技术，亦有成为环保大国的意向，这将进一步扩大中日之间经贸和技术合作的空间。其四，日本是一个人口稠密的国家，中国经济最发达的东部地区也是人口稠密的地区，的之间有若干环境相近性。在社会发展方面，日本亦可提供某些可借鉴的经验和模式。其五，中日经贸关系有一个世界性的大背景，就是经济全球化和区域经济一一的趋势。各国经济之间日益呈现 “你中有我，我中有你” 的复杂关联。中日经济关系就是在这种大背景、大趋势下发展起来的，也必须顺应这样的大大大趋势。在某种意义上, 中日经济关系日益成为 “世界中的中日经济关系”。最近，中日韩和其它东亚国家启动了应对潜在世界金融动荡的基金计划，反映出东亚国家的经济合作已具有一定的战略性质，说明东亚地区在经济一 One 上也必须有所作为。其六，经济关系在本质上是一种 “互惠” 关系，中日经济关系的这种特点更为明显。例如，日本的政府援助、企业投资等国中国的经济社会发展颇有助益，另 One方面，日本对华出口对日本经济走出 10 年低迷很有帮助，中国对日出口则对日本人民保持较高生活水平很有帮助。应该说，当前中日经贸关系已有相当规模，而且比较坚固。如果双方能更好地调适民族心理，消除政治障碍，在经济合作上则会有更强的动力和信心。日本近１０年经济不大景气，有经济边缘化的忧虑。当前，亚洲是世界经济增长的动力源，日本的经济前途也应该是在亚洲。未来，中国经济会在产业结构调整和技术升级上有较快的发展，这会给中日经贸关系带来一些新的因素，同时也会开拓新的合作空间。未来，只要中日双方在经贸关系上有大局观，有胸怀， “君子顺势而为” 的态度，定定中中日经贸关系推向新的高度。

Both official and unofficial relations have long been established between Japan and China. It should be noted that China (represented by the PRC) and Japan were military adversaries in World War II, which, in fact, led to the termination of relations between the two countries in the 1950s - 1960s.

When, as already noted, in the 1960s. The Soviet Union recalled its experts from China, the prevailing cooling in relations between the PRC and the USSR led China to a difficult economic situation. China had several alternatives, one of which was the beginning of a more formal relationship with Japan. Tatsunosuke Takashi, a member of the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) of Japan, a member of the Japanese Parliament and director of the Economic Planning Agency, visited China to sign a memorandum on further trade relations between the two countries. Under this agreement, Chinese purchases by industrial enterprises were to be partially financed through medium-term loans issued by the Export-Import Bank of Japan.

The treaty also allowed the PRC to open trade offices in Tokyo, and in 1963 paved the way for the Japanese government to approve the construction of a synthetic textile plant in mainland China, valued at US $ 20 million, guaranteed by the bank.

But the protest that followed from the PRC forced Japan to postpone further funding for the construction of this enterprise. The PRC reacted to this change by reducing trade with Japan and increasing aggressive propaganda against Japan, calling it an "American mongrel." Sino-Japanese relations declined again during the Cultural Revolution. The gap was further exacerbated by Japan's growing power and independence from the United States in the late 1960s. The PRC has been particularly focused on the possibility that Japan could remilitarize again to compensate for the decline in the US military presence in Asia caused by the rule of President Richard Nixon. However, despite the fact that the turmoil had subsided a little, the Japanese government, already under pressure from the pro-Beijing LDP faction and opposition elements, sought to take a more advanced position.

As a result, the actual diplomatic, foreign policy and foreign economic relations between Japan and the PRC in the second half of the 20th century began to take shape precisely in the 1970s.

In the early 1970s, US officials shocked the Japanese authorities by the development of relations with China. Japan began to develop new trends to establish and improve relations with the same state. This strategy, followed shortly after the end of the Cold War, “has influenced feelings of uncertainty and anxiety among Japanese people about the future of China, given the sheer size of the country and robust economic growth, and the fact that much of the fruits of this growth are destined for for defense ". The Japanese soon followed in the footsteps of American rule and decisively changed their policy towards China.

In December 1971, Chinese and Japanese trade intermediary organizations began discussing the possibility of reestablishing diplomatic trade relations. The resignation of Premier Sato in July 1972 and the inauguration of Tanaka Kakuei marked the beginning of a change in Sino-Japanese relations. Prime Minister-elect Tanaka's visit to Beijing ended with the signing of a joint agreement (Joint Agreement between the Government of Japan and the Government of the People's Republic of China) on September 29, 1972, which ended eight years of hostility and friction between China and Japan by establishing diplomatic relations between states.

The negotiations were based on three principles put forward by the Chinese side: “It is hereby confirmed that the representatives of China participating in the negotiations and acting on behalf of the country submitted to Japan three principles, which are the basis for the normalization of relations between the two countries: a) the PRC government is the only representative and the legitimate government of China; b) Taiwan is an integral part of the PRC; c) the agreement between Japan and Taiwan is illegal and invalid and must be canceled. "

In this agreement, Tokyo acknowledged that the Beijing government (and not the Taipei government) is the only legitimate government of China, while stating that it understands and respects the PRC's position that Taiwan is part of China. In these negotiations, Japan had less leverage on China because of China's relations with the UN and US President Richard Nixon. But Japan's most important problem was to renew its security agreements with the United States, expecting China to condemn the move. The Chinese authorities greatly surprised the Japanese by taking a passive position on the issue of relations between Japan and the United States. A compromise was reached on September 29, 1972. The impression was that Japan agreed to most of China's demands, including the Taiwan issue. This led to the interaction of the two countries in relation rapid growth Trade: 28 Japanese and 30 Chinese economic and trade delegations mutually visited each other's countries. Negotiations for a Japan-China Friendship Treaty and a peace treaty began in 1974, but soon ran into a political problem that Japan wanted to avoid.

The PRC insisted on the inclusion in the treaty of anti-hegemony clauses directed towards the USSR. Japan, which did not want to be drawn into the Soviet-Chinese confrontation, objected, and the USSR, in turn, made it clear that the conclusion of the Japanese-Chinese treaty would harm Soviet-Japanese relations. Japan's efforts to find a compromise with China on this issue failed, and negotiations ended in September 1975. The state of affairs remained unchanged until the political changes in China that followed the death of Mao Zedong (in 1976, which brought to the fore the modernization of the economy and the interest in relations with Japan, whose investments were important. Changing its mind, Japan was ready to ignore the warnings and the protests of the USSR, and adopted the idea of anti-hegemony as an international principle helping to build the foundation for the conclusion of a peace treaty.

In February 1978, a long-term private trade agreement resulted in an arrangement whereby trade income from Japan and China should rise to $ 20 billion by 1985 through the export of enterprises, equipment, technology from Japan, building materials, spare parts for equipment in exchange for coal and oil. This long-term plan, which gave rise to unjustified expectations, proved only excessively ambitious, and was rejected the following year, as the PRC was forced to reconsider its development priorities and reduce its commitments. However, the signing of the agreement influenced the desire of both countries to improve relations.

In April 1978, a dispute broke out over the sovereignty of the Senkaku Islands, a chain of small islands north of Taiwan and south of the Ryukyu Archipelago, which threatened to halt the emerging trend of resuming peace negotiations. The adaptability of both sides led to decisive action. Peace negotiations continued in July, and agreement was reached in August based on a compromise version of the anti-hegemony clause. The Treaty of Peace and Friendship between Japan and the PRC was signed on August 12 and entered into force on October 23, 1978.

During the 1980s, Japan-China relations made significant progress. In 1982, there was a serious political debate over the revision of the teaching material in Japanese textbooks concerning the war of Imperial Japan against China in the 1930s and 1940s. In 1983, Beijing also expressed concern about the shift in US strategic focus in Asia, from China to Japan, where Nakasone Yasuhiro was prime minister at the time, threatening the possibility of a reestablishment of Japanese militarism.

By mid-1983, Beijing decided to improve its relations with the Reagan administration (USA) and strengthen ties with Japan. General Secretary of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) Hu Yaobang visited Japan in November 1983, and Prime Minister Nakasone paid a return visit to China in March 1984. While Japanese enthusiasm for the Chinese market rose and fell, the geostrategic considerations of the 1980s stabilized Tokyo's policy toward Beijing. In fact, Japan's strong involvement in the economic modernization of China, in part, influenced its determination to maintain peaceful internal development in China, to drag China into gradually expanding ties with Japan and the West, to reduce China's interest in a return to provocative foreign policy of the past, to discourage any Soviet Chinese regroupings against Japan.

It should be noted that in the 1980s, the position of official Tokyo in relation to the USSR coincided with the publicly expressed Chinese concern. These experiences also included the deployment of Soviet military forces in East Asia, the sprawl of the Soviet Pacific Fleet, the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan and the potential threat it posed to oil routes in the Persian Gulf, and an increasing military presence. Soviet Union in Vietnam. In response, Japan and China began to pursue certain additional foreign policies designed to politically isolate the USSR and its allies and promote regional stability. In Southeast Asia, both countries have provided strong diplomatic support for the efforts of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) to withdraw Vietnamese forces from Cambodia. Japan stopped all economic support for Vietnam and provided stable economic assistance to Thailand, helping in the resettlement of Indo-Chinese refugees. The PRC has been a key source of support for Thai and Cambodian resistance groups.

In Southwest Asia, both states condemned the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan; they refused to recognize the Soviet regime in Kabul and sought diplomatic and economic means to support Pakistan. In Northeast Asia, Japan and China have sought to moderate the behavior of their Korean partners (South and North Korea) to ease tensions. In 1983, the PRC and Japan strongly criticized the Soviet Union's proposal to redeploy its armed forces to Asia.

Throughout the remainder of the 1980s, Japan faced a huge number of disagreements with the PRC. In late 1985, Chinese officials expressed strong dissatisfaction with Prime Minister Nakasone's visit to the Yasukuni Shrine, which honors Japanese war criminals. The economic problems focused on the problem of the influx of Japanese goods into China, which led to a severe trade deficit in the country. Nakasone and other Japanese leaders were given the opportunity to refute this official opinion during their visit to Beijing and in other negotiations with Chinese officials. They assured the Chinese of Japan's large-scale development and commercial assistance. However, it was not easy to appease the populace of China: students held demonstrations against Japan, on the one hand, helping the Chinese government to strengthen their prejudice against their Japanese opponents, but on the other hand, it turned out to be very difficult to change the opinion of the Chinese people rather than the opinion of the Chinese government.

Meanwhile, the 1987 ouster of party head Hu Yaobang damaged Japan-China relations as Hu was able to forge personal relationships with Nakasone and other Japanese leaders. The PRC government's brutal crackdown on pro-democracy demonstrations in the spring of 1989 made Japanese politicians realize that the new situation in China has become extremely delicate and requires careful management to avoid Japan's actions towards China that could permanently alienate it from reform. Returning to an earlier issue, we note that according to some reports, the Beijing leaders initially decided that industrialized countries would be able to resume normal business relations with the PRC relatively quickly within a short period of time after the Tiananmen Square incident. But when this did not happen, the representatives of the PRC made a decisive proposal to the Japanese government to cut off ties with most developed industrial countries in order to conduct normal economic communication with the PRC, consistent with Tokyo's long-term interests in mainland China.

Japanese leaders, like those of Western Europe and the United States, have been careful not to isolate China and continue to trade and other relationships usually aligned with the policies of other industrialized nations. But they also followed American leadership in limiting economic relations with the PRC.

Thus, the 1970s - 1980s marked a turning point in the transformation of China into an important actor in world politics and a leading power in the Asia-Pacific region. The internal political and economic transformations that took place in the PRC were combined with the implementation of a strictly determined foreign policy, an important leitmotif of which was a significant rapprochement with the United States, as well as some establishment of diplomatic ties and foreign relations with Japan, which, however, did not lead to the transformation of China into full-fledged geostrategic opponents of the USSR. A clear and competent policy, a stable course of the Chinese government in international relations, along with the influence of subjective factors of world politics (the continuing confrontation between the USSR and the United States) and the growing importance of economic interests in relations between China and the leading actors of world politics, made it possible to significantly strengthen China's role in the international arena.

Arbatov A. Big strategic triangle / A. Arbatov, V. Dvorkin. -M., 2013.- P.22.
Eto (Inomata), Naoko. Chinese Foreign Strategy and the Japan-China Peace and Friendship Treaty // International Relations. - 2008 .-- No152. - P.38-40.
For details, see: Gao, Haikuan The China-Japan Mutually Beneficial Relationship Based on Common Strategic Interests and East Asian Peace and Stability // Asia-Pacific Review. -2008. - Vol. 15 Issue 2. - P. 36-51.

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RUSSIAN FEDERATION

SIBERIAN INSTITUTE
INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS AND REGIONAL STUDIES

Department of Oriental Studies

Specialty: Regional Studies

Course work

Sino-Japanese relations at the present stage

Prepared by:
Sanina Yu.G.,
faculty student
oriental studies

Supervisor:
PhD, n., n., associate professor
__________ Dubinina O.Yu.

"Admit to protection"
Head of the Department
oriental studies
Ph.D., associate professor
__________ Medvedeva T.I.
"____" ______________ 2011

Novosibirsk
2011
Content
Introduction

2.2. Problems and Prospects of Japanese-Chinese Relations in the Economic Sphere
Conclusion
List of sources and literature used

Introduction

Relevance of the research topic. Both official and unofficial relations have long been established between Japan and China. China has greatly influenced Japan with its writing system, architecture, culture, psychology, system of legislation, politics and economics. When, in the middle of the 19th century, Western countries forced Japan to open trade routes, Japan moved towards modernization (Meiji Restoration), and viewed China as an old-fashioned civilization, unable to defend itself against Western forces (Opium Wars and Anglo-French Expeditions 1840-1860- x years). The long chain of Japanese invasions and war crimes in China between 1894 and 1945, as well as Japan's contemporary attitude to its past, were the main sources that influenced current and future Sino-Japanese relations.
In the 21st century, relations between the two countries have become tougher, and trade frictions have become more frequent. Japan raised the issue of ending the economic assistance to China, which it had been provided with since the beginning of economic reforms. Competition in the global and regional markets, rivalry for influence in the countries of Southeast Asia, grew ever more intense between Japan and the PRC. Japan began to lose its former leading position in the process of regional integration, and now China sought to play a decisive role in the establishment of a new regional order.
The growing tendency to comprehensively strengthen China's positions, perceived by Japan and the United States as a threat to their interests, served as a signal for the further deepening and expansion of the Japanese-American alliance. Especially active during the period of the government headed by Dz. Koizumi took measures to increase Japan's military potential, to gradually remove all political, legal, ideological and other obstacles to the use of Japan's self-defense forces in joint military operations with the US armed forces.
The rise of China, according to a number of experts, will have a huge impact on the geopolitical processes in East Asia, where the vital interests of Japan and China collide. The multifaceted consequences of China's dynamic development are indicated, in particular, by American geopoliticians R. Elling and E. Olsen: “China sees itself as a naturally dominant power in East Asia, no matter what the Chinese say. China follows this policy step by step and, unlike Japan, which has a predominantly economic influence, as it becomes stronger, it seeks to exercise, in addition to economic, political influence. "
In the late 1990s, an authoritative regional politician, former Prime Minister of Singapore Lee Kuan Yew, gave a very impressive forecast of what could happen as a result of China's strengthening: “The scale of China's change in the balance of power in the world is such that the world will need 30-40 years to restore the lost balance. Not just another player is entering the international arena - the greatest player in the history of mankind is emerging. "
The topic of the course work is relevant, since the state of Japanese-Chinese relations, trends in their further development have a significant impact on the military-political situation, primarily in East Asia, as well as in the world as a whole. The course examines the content and nature, dynamics and trends in the development of bilateral ties, the most pressing problems in them, the impact on Japanese-Chinese relations of US policy, changes in the geopolitical situation in East Asia.
As a result of the study, we come to the conclusion that the ongoing rise of China in the international arena is one of the most important factors that can lead to the emergence of a new structure of the world order, to serious shifts in the development of the situation in East Asia, and important changes in Japanese-Chinese relations. China's sharp economic rise has already caused a serious shift in the content of the Japanese-Chinese economic partnership and raised the issue of changing the regional leader. The strengthening of China's economic and political positions is causing a wary reaction in the ruling circles of allied countries - Japan and the United States, and is perceived by them as a potential threat to their interests. At the same time, a change in the balance of power between the United States and China may in the long run confront Japan with a choice of who in the future to have as an ally: the United States or China.
The need for further research into the relations of the main participants in the geopolitical process in East Asia - Japan, China, the United States - is dictated by the fact that significant interests of Russia are associated with this region. It is interested in the stability of the military-political situation in this region, in maintaining normal relations with these countries, in creating favorable conditions for the participation of the Russian side in regional cooperation projects. The involvement of Russia in the processes taking place in East Asia further increases the relevance of the topic of the course work.
The degree of knowledge of the problem. The topic of Japanese-Chinese relations has attracted the attention of more than one generation of domestic researchers. V modern science In the field of studying Japanese-Chinese relations, a large amount of experience has been accumulated by Russian and foreign authors.
The theoretical basis of the coursework was provided by a critical understanding of the works of domestic and foreign scientists who have been and continue to be engaged in the study of China, Japan, the history of Japanese-Chinese relations. Although the regional aspect of Japanese-Chinese relations for domestic oriental studies is still poorly understood, changes have been outlined in this field of interaction between Japan and China in recent years. The work of such Russian orientalists as A.D. Bogaturov, A.V. Semin, M.G. Nosov, A. Dushebaev, thanks to whom it was possible to trace in detail the dynamics of the political negotiation process Japan - China in 1991-2011, to identify and characterize the most pressing problems of relations between Japan and China, to assess the prospects for their settlement.
When analyzing individual issues of the topic, it was significantly helped by referring to the works and methodological experience of domestic and foreign scientists, such as I.N. Naumov, A.D. Bogaturov, O. A. Arin, H. Yoshida, M. Seki, Y. Hidaka. Thanks to the works of these authors, tendencies in the development of the geopolitical situation in East Asia under the influence of the outlined change in the balance of forces between the United States and the PRC, with the prospect of strengthening China's position in the world and regional communities, outlined the possible consequences of these changes for Japan's course towards China. The changes were also investigated, the contradictions of interests of the two countries in the process of integration in East Asia were revealed.
The scientific novelty of the research lies in the study and analysis of the economic and political spheres of Japanese-Chinese relations, their forms, directions, problems and prospects. The study of historical and analytical materials made it possible to identify a number of new points in the study of this topic:

The object of this study is the foreign policy of Japan and China at the present stage.
The subject of this study is Japanese-Chinese relations at the present stage.
The purpose of this work is to analyze the Japanese-Chinese relations in the field of politics and economics at the present stage.
Research objectives. To achieve this goal, it is necessary to solve the following tasks:

Research methodology. The theoretical and methodological basis of the work is the concepts and definitions, provisions and conclusions made on the basis of factual information contained in the relevant sources (news feeds, official documents of international organizations, works of domestic and foreign political scientists) and analytical studies.
Research methodology. In this work, the methods of interdisciplinary research were actively used, which made it possible to consider and study the problem in the political and economic spheres. The method of system analysis was also widely used. The research methodology used is based on the principles of historicism, consistency and objectivity. In the course of studying the problems and prospects for the development of relations between Japan and China, adhering to the principle of the obligatory use of reliable and possibly complete information, we applied observation and forecasting methods.
The practical significance of this work is determined by the contribution that was made in the analysis of the content and nature of modern relations between Japan and China. The results obtained can become the basis for further study of the entire complex of these relations. The research results can also be used in writing scientific papers on Japanese-Chinese relations, in the preparation of lectures and special courses on the history of Japan or China.
Work structure. For the most effective achievement of the set research goal, the material is structured as follows: the work consists of an introduction, two chapters, the first chapter consists of two paragraphs, the second - of two, a conclusion and a list of sources and literature used.

I. Japan-China Political Relations

1.1. Main Areas of Sino-Japanese Policy Cooperation

China and Japan are the closest neighbors, separated from each other only by a water barrier; friendly contacts between the two countries have a two-thousand-year history. In 1972, both countries issued a joint Sino-Japanese statement, marking the normalization of interstate relations, after which bilateral relations of friendship and cooperation gradually advanced. In 1978 and 1998, China and Japan signed the Peace and Friendship Treaty and the Sino-Japanese Joint Declaration, respectively.
At the beginning of this decade, relations between Japan and China were not stable and balanced, developing according to the scenario: "it is hot in the economy, cold in politics." Moreover, in 2001, the political dialogue between Japan and China was interrupted, which in the 90s was of a regular nature. Disagreements around a number of political problems have escalated to such an extent that they began to threaten the development of trade, economic and other ties. The return of relations to normal happened only after the change of the Japanese leadership, when in 2006 the cabinet of ministers headed by Z. Koizumi resigned.
The thaw in bilateral relations began with an official visit to Beijing in October 2006 by the new Prime Minister Shinzo Abe. The Sino-Japanese Joint Statement emphasized the parties' desire to return to dialogue without preconditions and develop comprehensive cooperation. In fact, more than a return to dialogue has happened. For the first time, an agreement was reached on building "strategic mutually beneficial relations" between the two countries. In April 2007, Premier of the State Council of the People's Republic of China Wen Jiabao paid an official visit to Tokyo. He held talks with Prime Minister S. Abe, was received by Emperor Akihito, and made a speech in front of parliament members. In the local press, the visit was assessed as “breaking the ice” in bilateral relations. The Joint Japanese-Chinese Statement clarified the provisions contained in the 2006 Joint Statement, disclosing the content of a new important concept - "strategic mutually beneficial relationship." Y. Fukuda, who replaced S. Abe as Prime Minister a year later, maintained a course of improving relations with China. During his official visit to China in December 2007, the parties reaffirmed their desire to follow the agreements reached at the 2006 and 2007 summits.
Representatives of various circles in China and Japan, striving to develop long-term and stable relations of friendship and cooperation between the two countries, made unremitting efforts to overcome temporary complications in Sino-Japanese relations.
In May 2008, during the official visit of Chinese President Hu Jintao to Japan, the Japanese-Chinese Joint Statement on "Comprehensive development of mutually beneficial relations based on common strategic interests" was signed. In terms of importance, both sides attributed this statement to the category of the most important diplomatic documents, the agreements contained in which are qualified as a "political foundation" for the development of relations between the two countries. Japan stresses that "a comprehensive strategy to foster mutually beneficial relations based on common strategic interests" should now become a priority goal of the two countries' policy towards each other.
The emergence of a new trend in Japan-China relations, which developed in the period 2006-2009, was obviously facilitated by changes on a global scale. The foundations of a unipolar world order have faltered as a result of the relative weakening of the positions of the only superpower - the United States, the preconditions for the restructuring of the system of international relations with the active participation of China are ripening.
In these circumstances, Japan's approach to China is undergoing a change. The emerging trend of a gradual change in the balance of power between the United States and China in favor of the latter poses the task of Japan to calculate in the future how to build its relations with each of these countries in the future. In the not-too-near future, Japan may, apparently, decide to move away from its position of solidarity with the United States towards China.
Until recently, in Japan, such a prospect became the topic of the most daring research. An example of such a study is the book "America or China?" By the renowned expert Haruka Yoshida, published in Japan in 2007. H. Yoshida believes that it is preferable for Japan to have a strong ally. Today, obviously, the United States is strong; in the near future, in an alliance with Japan, it will become even stronger. However, in the future, China will be stronger. Today it is obvious that these views are shared by representatives of the Japanese political elite.
They found, for example, reflected in the work of Yukio Hatoyama "My Political Philosophy", published on the eve of his election to the post of prime minister. The author pointed to the global trend: "We are moving from a unipolar world under the auspices of the United States to multipolarity," and stressed that the most important characteristic of the modern world order is the transformation of China "into one of the leading economic powers that continues to build up its military power." Hatoyama expressed frank concern about the situation for his country: "How should Japan maintain its political and economic independence and defend its national interests, being between the United States, which is fighting to maintain its position as a dominant power, and China, seeking to become it?"
As a sign of possible "changes" in relations between Japan and the United States under the Japanese government, which was headed by Yuri Hatoyama until June 2010, disagreements arose over the plan agreed by the two governments in 2006 to redeploy US military bases on Japanese soil. The most heated disputes flared up around the problem of transferring the airbase of the US Marine Corps helicopter unit Futenma (city of Ginovan) to Okinawa. Futenma, in fact, became an indicator of the state of Japanese-American relations. During the election campaign, Yu. Hatoyama announced his intention to remove the Futenma base from the island. But the United States insisted on the implementation of the 2006 agreements. Ultimately, under pressure from the United States, Hatoyama refused to fulfill his promise to his compatriots - and this was one of the reasons for his resignation, just 9 months after being elected prime minister, the new Japanese leadership showed their readiness to emphasize the importance of strengthening the military-political alliance with the United States. Speaking at the Self-Defense Forces parade in October 2010 in the suburbs of Tokyo, Prime Minister N. Kan spoke of the increased threat to Japan's security. Of particular concern, according to the prime minister, is the DPRK's nuclear program and the growth of China's military power.
Confirmation of the relevance of the problem of national security, and, therefore, of the Japanese-American security treaty for Japan were the events associated with the incident in the East China Sea. In September 2010, a Chinese fishing vessel was detained in the coastal waters of the Senkaku Islands (Diaoyu in Chinese) by the Japanese coastal guards. The course of the resolution of the conflict, the most serious since the "warming" of the Japanese-Chinese relations, showed that China is ready to behave very harshly, defending its interests, that a significant conflict potential remains in the relationship. In particular, it includes a dispute over sovereignty over these islands, disagreements over the maritime border and a mismatch in approaches to joint development of oil and gas resources in the East China Sea. Note that the United States readily supported Japan in this conflict. Thus, Secretary of State H. Clinton said that the US-Japanese security treaty extends to the Senkaku Islands.
Trade and economic cooperation in Japanese-Chinese relations has always played a pivotal role. The most advanced direction in this cooperation remained, as in previous years, trade. Japan was one of the leading trade partners of the PRC.
By the end of the 1990s, fundamental changes took place in the structure of bilateral trade. Thus, in Japanese imports from China, fuel and raw materials have moved from the first place, which they previously occupied, to one of the last. At the same time, the share of engineering products in imports from China grew rapidly, which was the result of the reform of the Chinese economy.
At the beginning of the 21st century, there was, in fact, a turning point in relations between the two countries. Japan, formerly known as the "planetary enterprise", ceded this role to China. For Japan, this came with a number of costs. Its domestic market has been flooded with goods made in China. The number of failing businesses grew, as did unemployment. The active investment activity of Japanese companies in the PRC, on the one hand, had a deflationary effect on the Japanese economy, and on the other, it led to the "devastation" of the country's industry.
In the new century, relations between the two trading partners became more complex and tough. The year of change came in 2001, when the first trade war broke out between them. In addition, due to the sharp increase in the consumption of raw materials in China, it turned into a serious competitor for Japan in the world raw materials market. Since 2001, the Japanese government began to significantly reduce economic aid to China, no longer wishing to contribute to the growth of the economic and military might of its competitor.
At the same time, since 2001, Japan-China trade has been growing at an accelerated rate. In 2000, the 100 billion (US dollar) mark was crossed, and in 2004, China surpassed the United States in terms of trade with Japan, becoming its main trading partner. After the PRC joined the WTO in 2001, the volume of direct investment by Japanese big business in the Chinese economy grew rapidly.
Despite all the susceptibility to influences, including political influences, trade and economic relations between Japan and China during the period under review remained stable in the system of bilateral relations. Trade and economic partnership formed the basis of the interdependence of the two countries. Its scale in the 21st century has become so significant that the leaderships of the two countries had to take this into account when making important political decisions.
The main channel of the Japanese-Chinese political dialogue was the meetings of the leaders of the two countries. The course and content of these meetings largely reflected the state of bilateral relations; some of the summits played a certain role in the development of Japanese-Chinese relations. Thus, the first in the history of relations between Japan and China was the visit of the Japanese emperor Akihito to the PRC, when the occasion arose to speak of the "special", confidential nature of relations between Japan and China. However, in general, the political dialogue in the first half of the 90s did not bring significant results. Not only were long-standing problems in bilateral relations not resolved, new ones arose.
Since 1997, there has been a revival in contacts between the political leaders of the two countries. The initiative was shown by the Japanese side: it tried to intensify diplomatic activity in the Chinese direction. The foreign policy program "Eurasian diplomacy" put forward by Prime Minister R. Hashimoto was supposed to achieve in relations with China: "mutual understanding, intensification of dialogue, expansion of cooperation and joint activities to build a new world order."
Japan was conducting its "diplomatic offensive" according to a "three-stage" program. In total, three summits were held in 1997-1998. The "three-step" dialogue has become an impressive evidence that negotiations are marking time, that differences of opinion are recurring again and again. By 2000, the dialogue stalled, and then it was interrupted altogether. In 2001-2006, a "war of nerves" took place between Japan and China. A sore point in the relationship was the problem of the Tokyo Yasukuni Temple, which for the Chinese side is a symbol of Japanese militarism and revanchism. Beijing tried to get the head of the Japanese government to stop ritual visits to the temple - and to no avail.
In 2006-2009, relations between Japan and China were returned to normal. Moreover, at the state level, agreements were recorded on the development of "strategic mutually beneficial relations" between the two countries. The Chinese side has shown an active desire to involve Japan in deeper and broader cooperation at the bilateral and regional levels. The United States was wary of the threat of Japan's departure from allied obligations under the Japanese-American security treaty, which has the task of "containing China." The United States retained an effective resource for influencing Japanese policy - and used it. Not without American influence, Prime Minister Yuri Hatoyama resigned early in June 2010, intending to pursue a "balanced course towards the United States and China" and build "more equal allied relations with the United States."

The incident near the Senkaku Islands marked another turn of Japanese diplomacy: the pendulum swung from China to the United States. And the American side took advantage of the situation in order to further involve Japan in the strategy of "containment" of China. An expressive sign of the beginning of the next stage of the Japanese-American rapprochement was the adoption by the Japanese government in December 2010 of a new program for building self-defense forces for the next decade. The document underlines Japan's desire to "further strengthen and develop its undivided alliance with the United States." At the same time, an emphasis was placed on "the lack of transparency of China in the military field, which is of concern to the regional and international community, not only from Tokyo."
The next step in deepening Japanese-American military-political cooperation was the coordination of plans for the formation of a trilateral US-Japan-Republic of Korea alliance under the auspices of the United States, the purpose of which, according to experts, is, first of all, to "contain" China. In January 2011, in Seoul, the defense ministers of Japan and South Korea signed two documents on military cooperation. One of them is an agreement on the procedure for the exchange of intelligence information, on measures to protect it from disclosure.
The second document legalizes the procedure for the exchange of supplies (food, water, fuel, transport, etc.), as well as services in the course of joint operations. Commenting on this fact, the American newspaper Stars and Stripes wrote: "The two main allies of the United States in Asia are gradually moving towards close military cooperation." And the United States has shown an active interest in contributing to this. The South Korean media published frank admissions that "the United States insists on building strong military relations between the two neighboring countries."
The signing of these agreements by Japan and the Republic of Korea should be followed by the conclusion of a full-format pact on military cooperation. This was planned (note, before the large-scale natural disaster in Japan) to be carried out this spring during the official visit to Seoul of the Prime Minister of Japan. The reasons for the readiness of the ruling circles of the two countries were bluntly discussed in the aforementioned newspaper Stars and Stripes, which published an article entitled "China is the real reason for signing a military pact between Japan and South Korea." The article quotes a well-known analyst at the East-West Center Danny Roy: “Japanese-South Korean military cooperation has more to do with China than the Korean Peninsula. North Korea creates a political pretext used by others to take strategic steps against China. This is a fig leaf. "

Tensions peaked in Sino-Japanese relations in 2005. In that year, massive anti-Japanese demonstrations took place in the PRC, and acts of vandalism were committed against Japanese representative offices, as well as private companies. Bilateral relations in various directions began to be disrupted, a threat arose to the economic interests of both countries. From this line, the parties began to look for a way out of the impasse. It is quite obvious that the return to the negotiation channel took place as a result of the parties' awareness of the indissoluble economic interdependence of the two countries. To make the dialogue possible, a change of the country's leader took place in Japan: Dz. Koizumi replaced S. Abe as prime minister. In October 2006, the political dialogue resumed after several years of debilitating tension in bilateral relations. During Abe's visit to Beijing, not only was the task of restoring contacts between Japan and China resolved, the parties attempted to lay a more solid foundation for cooperation.
In 2007, the dialogue was continued by the visit of the Premier of the State Council of the People's Republic of China Wen Jiabao to Tokyo. The parties reaffirmed the intention, already announced at the previous summit, to make efforts to build "strategic mutually beneficial relations." The United States was wary of the prospect of a Japanese-Chinese rapprochement. They were not going to watch the events indifferently. In this context, the sudden resignation of S. Abe from the post of prime minister, just a year after his election, seems no coincidence.
After the end of the Cold War, the ruling elite of Japan faced the need to clarify foreign policy guidelines. It was important to determine in the new conditions the attitude towards the Japanese-American security treaty. From a theoretical point of view, there was a possibility of a revision of the political "doctrine of Yoshis". Its postulates were a close alliance with the United States, the accelerated development of the national economy, a strict limitation of military spending, with a modest international role for Japan. However, the ruling circles of the country supported the program, which, in fact, corresponded to the same "Yosida Doctrine" adapted to the time. The most important provision of the new program was the recognition of the need to preserve the Japanese-American alliance. And in this choice, which was made by Japan, the United States played a decisive role. In the future, they retained the ability to exert tremendous influence on Japanese politics.
In 1996, Japan and the United States signed a Joint Declaration by which Tokyo pledged to participate in US military operations outside Japanese territory. This was an important precedent: before, Japan, referring to constitutional restrictions, did not undertake such obligations. What happened was helped by circumstances that Washington did not miss the chance to take advantage of. Japan was experiencing a deterioration in its financial, economic and domestic political situation.
Based on all of the above, the following conclusions can be drawn:

- Stable interest of both countries in the development of trade and economic cooperation.
- The presence of problems, including those of a historical nature, hindering interaction in the political sphere.
- The establishment in international relations after the collapse of the USSR of a unipolar model of the world order under the auspices of the United States, striving for global domination.
- Japan's foreign policy dependence on the United States, its participation in the American policy of "containment" of the PRC.
- The success of economic transformations in China as a condition for the transformation of trade and economic partnership between Japan and the PRC.
- The transformation of China into a subject of regional politics, challenging the leading role of Japan in East Asia.
- The appearance by the beginning of the 21st century of signs of a weakening of the system of a unipolar world order in the context of the strengthening of China's position as a new center of power.

1.2. Problems and Prospects of Sino-Japanese Relations in the Political Sphere

The essence of the current stage in the development of Sino-Japanese relations is the coincidence in time of two processes: the economic and political rise of China and the political rise of Japan on the basis of the already accumulated economic potential.
Over the past three to four years, China has firmly become an important economic player in global and regional markets. And now China seeks, building on its successes, firstly, to further strengthen its own global trade and financial positions and, secondly, to play a decisive role in world politics and the creation of a new global security architecture on an equal basis with recognized leaders. To achieve the set goals, the PRC is taking the following steps:
- makes an emphasis in its foreign policy on deepening partnership with the United States;
- builds a financial, economic and political dialogue with the G8;
- begins to build relations with NATO;
- puts forward regional initiatives in the field of security and cooperation in Northeast Asia (a free trade zone with the participation of China, Japan and the Republic of Korea, a multilateral security structure with the participation of the same countries plus the United States and Russia), Southeast Asia (a free trade zone in formats “Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) plus China” and “ASEAN plus three”, that is, China, Japan, Republic of Korea), in Central Asia (Shanghai Cooperation Organization);
- In early 2005, China launched a diplomatic offensive to strengthen its international positions along the entire front - from the United States, the European Union and Russia to South and Southeast Asia, Latin America and Africa.
At the same time, Japan is stepping up efforts to bring its global political positions in line with the Japanese economic power that has gone into the gap. To this end, she:
- “pushes through” the issue of expanding the composition of the permanent members of the UN Security Council and including Japan in their number;
- expands the boundaries of the use of the Self-Defense Forces (peacekeeping operations outside Japan), raises the question of giving them the status of armed forces and nurtures the introduction of appropriate amendments to the Constitution;
- adjusts the military doctrine, pointing out as a possible threat to the DPRK and the acceleration of "military construction" in China and thereby motivating the need to increase its own military spending;
- intensifies cooperation with the United States on the creation of a missile defense system;
- develops regional cooperation in NEA (within the framework of the six-party meeting on the DPRK) and Southeast Asia (according to the ASEAN plus Japan and ASEAN plus three schemes), indicates interest in the Central Asian post-Soviet republics.
Political relations between Japan and China in this moment not good. Their instability is determined in recent years by the influence of the growing rivalry between the United States and China for influence in East Asia. Japan is facing increasing difficulties in trying to maintain a balanced course towards the two countries. The severity of the problem becomes clear if we take into account the gigantic scale of Japan's ties with each of them, the presence of strong ties within the framework of the Japanese-American military-political alliance. The zig-zag character of the Japanese diplomatic line towards the United States and China is acquiring an ever more obvious cyclical character.
Thus, the period 2001-2006 was marked by a sharp deterioration in Japanese-Chinese relations. The previously regular political dialogue between Tokyo and Beijing was interrupted. There was a threat to the trade and economic interests of both countries. China in the document of the Department of National Defense "Main Directions of the National Defense Program-2005" was named as a potential threat to the security of Japan. As relations with China deteriorated, Japan's military cooperation with the United States deepened. As a result, Japan, according to observers, as an ally of the United States, has transformed in importance into "Britain of the Far East."
Meanwhile, based on the agreements reached in 2006-2008, China is showing an active desire to build a course for involving Japan in political cooperation on a wide range of issues. This, in particular, is evidenced by the analytical report "Sino-Japanese relations and China's policy towards Japan in the coming decade," prepared by specialists from the Institute for Japanese Studies of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences.
The report emphasizes that the common strategic goal of future Sino-Japanese relations is to promote the development of psychological compatibility of the two peoples, the advancement of the two countries from peaceful coexistence to joint development, from mutual strategic interests to strategic cooperation. The main provisions of this section are as follows:
1. It is essential for the sustainable development of Sino-Japanese relations whether it will be possible to ensure a balanced development of relations in the political and economic fields.
2. China and Japan lack mutual trust in security matters. The reason is that doubts about the strategic goals of each of the parties have not been overcome. The task is to promote cooperation in this area, moving from normal relations "not friends and not enemies" to partnerships, to the creation of structures and mechanisms of regional security, to the formation of an East Asian security community. The Chinese side considers the following important. Security cooperation between China and Japan should not be based on the premise that China will abandon or slow down its efforts to strengthen its military power or improve military technology.
3. One of the tasks requiring an early solution, the report says, is the creation of a crisis prevention mechanism and a crisis management mechanism in order to avoid the escalation of tensions and conflicts. It is also proposed to develop cooperation between Asian countries to ensure the security of the main sea communications - from the Suez Canal to the Taiwan Strait, as well as to stimulate the creation in the region of the Community of mutually beneficial support and ensuring the stability of economic development, within the framework of which the problems of ensuring energy security would be solved.
China and Japan, the report says, should make efforts to solve regional security problems, to create a multilateral security system. At the appropriate time, they should facilitate the China-Japan-US strategic dialogue. The idea of creating a new and broader security mechanism for the entire East Asia is also being put forward.
4. The two countries are encouraged to work together to overcome the financial crisis. They should stimulate the regionalization of the bilateral agreement on currency exchange, build a regional financial control mechanism, intensify close consultations, coordination and cooperation on the development of regional capital markets, on the establishment of the Asian Currency Fund.
5. China and Japan should join efforts to conclude a Free Trade Agreement and an Economic Partnership Agreement in order to coordinate strategy and policy, jointly form a free trade space for East Asia, the East Asian Community (EAC).
6. China and Japan have a serious common problem - dependence on foreign demand, primarily demand in the United States, which is negatively affected by the current crisis. The two countries should seize the opportunity to adjust their economic structure, expand and tap domestic demand to rehabilitate their economies.
7. The report indicates promising areas of cooperation - energy and environmental, it is proposed to create a China-Japan fund for energy conservation and environmental protection, jointly financed by the governments of the two countries.
At the beginning of the 21st century, Japan's relations with the United States remained the cornerstone of Japanese foreign policy. The course towards deepening military cooperation with the United States was combined with Japan's desire to abandon the former "pacifist" orientation of the country's policy, to increase the combat power of the Japanese Self-Defense Forces. And the main motive behind this course, coordinated with the United States, is the common perception by Japan and the United States of the potential threat that comes to their interests from the growing military-economic power of the PRC.
New tendencies in Japanese politics especially intensified under the government headed by Dz. Koizumi. It was under him that there was a sharp increase in tension in Japanese-Chinese relations. Although, with the counter movement of both sides, S. Abe, who replaced Koizumi as Prime Minister, restored contacts with China, he did not abandon the course that was intensified under the previous leadership in the military field. With an adequate assessment, the next change in 2007 of the head of the Japanese government, headed by Ya. Fukuda, did not lead to a change in the course taken. It is supported by the United States, which, by strengthening its alliance with Japan, aims to "contain" China.
After the end of the Cold War, Japan reaffirmed its readiness to coordinate regional policy with the United States. For its part, the United States has officially recognized "the central role of Japan in the integration of the Asian region and the formation of the Pacific Community." Japan's striving for leadership in the region in the early 1990s was perceived by neighboring countries as fully consistent with the status of an economic giant.
Speaking about the trends in the development of the geopolitical situation in East Asia and Sino-Japanese relations, it is necessary to analyze the impact of changes in the geopolitical situation on relations between Japan and China. Japan, while destroying the bipolar structure of international relations, did not receive, like some other countries, significant advantages. At the initial stage of the restructuring of the world order, the Japanese political elite expected to be admitted to this process. Theoretically, it was closer to the multipolar model, in which, without having a military potential, Japan, as one of the leading economic powers, could take a worthy place in the new system of international relations. With such representations, Japan participated, along with the United States, Russia and China, in a series of summits in 1997-1998, hoping for subsequent participation in the formation of a new world order. However, "multipolar diplomacy" did not meet expectations. In the course of the talks that took place, the parties as a whole did not advance far from mutual probing of positions. As for the contacts between the leaders of Japan and China, their approaches to resolving topical problems in bilateral relations could not be coordinated or brought closer together. A decisive role in this outcome was played by such a factor as Japan's commitment to a close multifunctional alliance with the United States, which seriously limits Japan's foreign policy initiatives.
By the end of the 1990s, the phenomenon of China's rapid and sustained economic rise, as well as the accompanying increase in military power and political influence, caused a shift in the balance of power in East Asia. According to the American assessment, the rise of China "dealt a blow to US interests in East Asia." This conclusion became a powerful motive for further strengthening the Japanese-American alliance.
In the 21st century, it became obvious that the attempts of the United States in the past years to build a unipolar world, resorting to the use of political, economic, ideological, and power technologies, were not successful. Failures accompany US power policy. The prospect of geopolitical opposition to the United States from China, primarily in East Asia, began to emerge. New tendencies under the influence of these changes have emerged in relations in the Japan-China-USA triangle. Most importantly, they can affect the future of Sino-Japanese relations. Today, differences between allies are resolved, as a rule, in accordance with American interests. In the future, there is a possibility of a change in the situation as a result, first of all, of a change in the balance of power between the United States and China in favor of the latter. And this prospect is already being explored by the Japanese ruling elite. However, the United States is not interested in a Japanese-Chinese political rapprochement and at this stage has the necessary leverage for this.
Speaking about the prospects for the development of relations, Chinese researchers do not exclude the possibility of problems arising between the two countries, since serious contradictions, both strategic and structural, remain. Assessing possible conflicts, the authors of the report highlight the following:

Nevertheless, the visits of the Chinese and Japanese prime ministers, which are characterized as a "thaw" and "a harbinger of spring" in relations between the parties, in recent years have demonstrated the basic spirit and content of the task of building strategic and mutually beneficial relations. China and Japan not only outlined a program of multi-level personal contacts, exchanges and dialogue in the fields of politics, economics, diplomacy, defense and culture, but also reached agreements on strengthening cooperation in the field of environmental protection, finance, energy, informatics, communications, high technologies and other areas.
In the XXI century. Japan and China act as influential players in world and regional politics. Whether the military-political and economic situation in Northeast Asia will be stable depends on the state of Japanese-Chinese relations. At the same time, relations between Japan and China are characterized by inconsistencies and insufficient balance. While trade and economic ties in the structure of bilateral relations are fairly stable, tensions periodically arise in the political sphere.
Trade and economic relations between Japan and China are developing very intensively. Thus, in 2010, the volume of bilateral trade amounted to $ 230 billion, Japan's direct investment in the Chinese economy - about $ 70 billion. More than 25 thousand companies with Japanese capital operate on the territory of the PRC. In fact, the process of economic integration of the two countries, occupying the 2nd and 3rd places in the world in terms of economic potential, is actively underway. Along with the geographical proximity of the two countries and the complementary nature of their economies, there are a number of factors that stimulate integration:

Bilateral relations in the political field are developing differently. Their instability is determined in recent years by the influence of the growing rivalry between the United States and China for influence in East Asia. Japan is facing increasing difficulties in trying to maintain a balanced course towards the two countries. The severity of the problem becomes clear if we take into account the gigantic scale of Japan's ties with each of them, the presence of strong ties within the framework of the Japanese-American military-political alliance. The zig-zag character of the Japanese diplomatic line towards the United States and China is acquiring an ever more obvious cyclical character.
The new head of the Japanese government, N. Kang, showed a willingness to "correct" the foreign policy course, focusing on improving Japanese-American relations. He could not achieve this without simultaneously deteriorating relations with China. A fatal role in this was played by the incident in Sino-Japanese relations, which arose in September 2010 in the area of the Senkaku Islands (Diaoyu Islands), the sovereignty of which the two countries dispute. It was not possible to overcome the tension in relations between Tokyo and Beijing that arose during the incident. This suited the United States. Contributing to its preservation, they came out in support of the Japanese side.
The incident near the Senkaku Islands marked another turn of Japanese diplomacy: the pendulum swung from China to the United States. And the American side took advantage of the situation in order to further involve Japan in the strategy of "containment" of China. An expressive sign of the beginning of the next stage of the Japanese-American rapprochement was the adoption by the Japanese government in December 2010 of a new program for building self-defense forces for the next decade. The document underlines Japan's desire to "further strengthen and develop its undivided alliance with the United States." At the same time, an emphasis was placed on "the lack of transparency of China in the military field, which is of concern to the regional and international community, not only from Tokyo."
There are other manifestations in Japan's policy of a tendency to deepen and expand cooperation with the United States on an "anti-Chinese basis." How sustainable this trend will be and how it will affect Japanese-Chinese relations depends on a number of circumstances, including how Japan manages to get out of the critical situation after the natural disaster that befell it. However, there is reason to assume that Japan at this stage is taking the path of maneuvering between China and the United States, currently leaning towards the latter. But in the future, it is capable of deviating from its obligations under the Japanese-American security treaty with the United States if China's influence grows even more.

1) Today, the political relations between Japan and China are very contradictory. But, nevertheless, both countries are developing agreements on the prevention of all conflict situations and joint cooperation today and in the future. China is showing interest in engaging Japan in deeper and broader cooperation. A program for the development of Sino-Japanese "mutually beneficial cooperation based on common strategic interests" until 2020 has been developed.
2) On the way to the implementation of such a program, considerable difficulties are foreseen. First, significant contradictions persist in relations between Japan and China, based on the divergence of interests of the two rival powers. Second, the United States perceived the prospect of a possible political rapprochement between Japan and China with caution: its inevitable opposition to this rapprochement. Taking a step towards China, Japan appears to be embarking on a very unstable balancing act between the two centers of power - the United States and China.
3) China and Japan should be deeply aware that both countries are already inextricably linked by mutually pervasive interests, that harmony of the two sides brings benefits, and enmity is a loss, that the development of Sino-Japanese friendly cooperation is a common trend. There is every reason to believe that the conclusion of the current mutual agreements will have a profound impact on the further development of Sino-Japanese relations, and that the friendly good-neighborly cooperation between the two countries will become warmer.

II. Japan-China Economic Relations

2.1. The main directions and forms of Japanese-Chinese economic relations

In the 21st century, Japan and China act as influential players in world and regional politics. Whether the military-political and economic situation in Northeast Asia will be stable depends on the state of Japanese-Chinese relations. At the same time, relations between Japan and China are characterized by inconsistencies and insufficient balance. While trade and economic ties in the structure of bilateral relations are fairly stable, tensions periodically arise in the political sphere. Thanks to the rapidly expanding domestic market and the stimulus adopted by the PRC government in 2009, China imports literally everything from Japan, from cars to high-tech electronics.
Trade and economic relations between Japan and China are developing very intensively. Thus, in 2010, the volume of bilateral trade amounted to $ 230 billion, Japan's direct investment in the Chinese economy - about $ 70 billion. More than 25 thousand companies with Japanese capital operate on the territory of the PRC. In fact, the process of economic integration of the two countries, occupying the 2nd and 3rd places in the world in terms of economic potential, is actively underway. Along with the geographical proximity of the two countries and the complementary nature of their economies, there are a number of factors that stimulate integration:

Japan today admitted that it has ceded to China the title of the second economy in the world (after the United States) - Japan has held it since 1968. Japan's GDP in 2010 was just under $ 5.5 trillion, while China's was $ 5.9 trillion. At the same time, the Chinese economy grew over the past year by almost 10%, the Japanese - by 4%.
Japan has never overcome the consequences of the economic collapse of the 90s. In addition, the population is rapidly aging, which means that it produces less and consumes less, and labor is expensive, NTV reports. In China, everything is exactly the opposite. According to experts, it has already overtaken the United States and is becoming the main economy in the world.
In Japan's relations with China, 2010 became the borderline for another complication. The prospect of building “strategic mutually beneficial relations” between the two countries that emerged in the period 2006-2009 suddenly lost its relevance. Foreign observers see the reasons for this in the fact that Japan, having experienced excessive pressure from China in resolving the September incident in the disputed Senkaku Islands, began to take preventive measures against a repeat of the situation. These obviously include the steps that have been taken in recent months. This is the further strengthening of military cooperation with the United States, and the beginning preparations for the conclusion of a military pact with the Republic of Korea, and the revision of the priorities of Japan's military policy - with the task of "containing China."
Against the background of tensions in the political sphere, trade and economic ties between the two countries are developing differently. An increasing economic interdependence is being formed between them. This is evidenced, in particular, by some economic indicators: in 2010, the volume of bilateral trade amounted (according to updated data) $ 297.8 billion, Japan's direct investments in the Chinese economy - about $ 70 billion, more than 25 thousand companies operate in the PRC. with Japanese capital.
By now, China has strengthened its status as Japan's largest economic partner and is expanding its ties with it. Weakening consumer demand in the US and other Western countries prompts Japan to rely more on the Chinese market. China relies equally on the Japanese economy.
On May 2, 2011, negotiations were held between Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao and Japanese Premier Naoto Kan. Sino-Japanese talks have traditionally been at the center of the focus of the East Asia summit.
Premier Wen Jiabao said that since the beginning of this year, Sino-Japanese relations have generally maintained a favorable development trend.
The Chinese side intends to meet more often at a high level with the Japanese side, based on the principles and spirit of the four political documents signed between China and Japan, to deepen mutual trust and promote the stable and successful development of bilateral relations.
Wen Jiabao also said that the Chinese side supports the recovery and economic recovery of Japan after the disaster (the recent explosion and radiation leak at the Japanese nuclear power plant "Fukushima-1") and intends to provide all necessary assistance and promote cooperation. The Chinese side intends to send several delegations to promote disaster recovery and trade, restore and expand tourism interaction between China and Japan, and, subject to security, rationalize measures to restrict the export of Japanese products.
Wen Jiabao said that as a close neighbor, the Chinese side pays great attention to the leakage of radioactive substances at the Fukushima-1 nuclear power plant. At the same time, he expressed the hope that the Japanese side will successfully carry out work to eliminate the consequences of the incident and will promptly inform the Chinese side of all information regarding this issue. The Chinese side also intends to provide the necessary assistance and strengthen cooperation between the two sides in the field of nuclear security.
Naoto Kan expressed his apologies for the leakage of radioactive substances at the Fukushima-1 nuclear power plant and assured that the Japanese side will make every effort to eliminate its consequences, and also promised to promptly inform the Chinese side of accurate information about the events that occur at the damaged nuclear power plant, and to strengthen cooperation with the Chinese side in the field of nuclear safety.
Premier Wen Jiabao said China would loosen its ban on Japanese food imports and requirements for testing for radioactivity.
Wen Jiabao said China intends to ease its import restrictions on products from Yamanashi and Yamagata prefectures if there is no need to fear for the safety of Chinese consumers (previously, immediately after the accident, China banned food and agricultural products from 12 Japanese prefectures located near or relatively close to the damaged nuclear power plant).
The PRC currently provides ample opportunities for successful business, and the expansion of Japanese-Chinese economic ties creates favorable conditions for Japanese firms. Given that companies are the most important actors in bilateral relations, the study of their activities in China is important topic to understand what micro-level factors contributed to the increase in the volume of economic cooperation between Japan and China. It seems that the analysis of their strategies in China will also make it possible to draw conclusions about how effectively companies can operate in the formed macro-conditions, what are the methods of achieving success, and also understand what attracts Japanese capital to the Chinese economy.
Based on the above, the following conclusions can be drawn:
1) Japan increasingly relies on China in its desire to overcome the consequences of the global economic crisis and a large-scale natural and man-made disaster. China, for its part, needs a market, capital and advanced technologies Japan in order to further develop its economy and ensure sustainable growth rates.
2) On May 2, 2011, negotiations were held between Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao and Japanese Prime Minister Naoto Kan. Sino-Japanese talks have traditionally been at the center of the focus of the East Asia summit.
3) China and Japan will continue negotiations to develop gas in the East China Sea.
The foreign ministers of Japan and China have agreed to resume at the earliest possible time
etc.................

2012 was marked in the Sino-Japanese relations with the aggravation of the struggle for the Diaoyu group of islands, or Senkaku, as the Japanese call them. But this year marks the 40th anniversary of the normalization of relations between the countries. And despite close cooperation, which practically covered all spheres of activity (trade, investment, science and technology, education, cultural exchanges, etc.), the "old problems" threaten to completely destroy the "ship of Sino-Japanese friendship", fragments from which will affect the entire system of international relations, not only in the region, but also in the world. To understand the causes of the problem, consider the history of relations between the two states from the late 19th century to the present day.

The period from the late 19th century to 1945

By the time of the first armed conflict, the Great Qing Empire (the Manchu Qing Empire, which included China) was in a weakened position and turned into half dependent on Western countries. First Opium War 1840-1842 against Great Britain, Second Opium War 1856-1860 against Great Britain and France and finally the civil war of 1851-1864. led to the fact that unequal peace treaties were concluded with the European powers. For example, according to the Treaty of Nanjing, signed in 1942, the ports of China were opened for free trade, Hong Kong was leased to Great Britain, and the British living in them were exempted from the legal norms of China. And according to the Beijing Treaty of 1860, Eastern Manchuria (modern Primorye) was assigned to Russia. Similarly, Japan was forced to conclude similar agreements in 1854-1858. However, as a result of economic growth, it was able to abandon unequal contracts by the mid-1890s.

In 1868, the new government of Japan set a course for the modernization of the country and the militarization of the country on the example of Western European countries. Having built up their strength, they began to pursue a policy of expansion in relation to their neighbors. The army and navy, created and trained according to Western standards, gained strength and allowed Japan to think about external expansion, primarily to Korea and China.

Preventing foreign, especially European, control over Korea, and preferably taking it under control, has become the main goal of Japanese foreign policy. Already in 1876, Korea, under Japanese military pressure, signed an agreement with Japan, which ended Korea's self-isolation and opened its ports to Japanese trade. Over the next decades, Japan and China fought with varying degrees of success for control of Korea.

In April 1885, Japan and the Qing Empire signed an agreement in Tianjin, according to which Korea, in fact, came under a joint Sino-Japanese protectorate. In 1893-94, an uprising began in Korea. The Korean government, unable to deal with the uprising on its own, turned to China for help. Japan accused the Chinese authorities of violating the Tianjin Treaty, and also sent troops to Korea and then invited China to jointly carry out reforms in Korea. China, considering itself the suzerain state of Korea, refused. Then the Japanese detachment captured the palace and announced the creation of a new pro-Japanese government. The new government turned to Japan with a "request" to expel Chinese troops from Korea. Thus began the Sino-Japanese War of 1894-1895, which ended with the victory of Japan and the signing of the Shimonoseki Peace Treaty in 1985. According to this agreement, China recognized the independence of Korea (which made it possible for Japanese expansion); transferred to Japan forever the island of Taiwan, the Penghu Islands and the Liaodong Peninsula; paid a huge indemnity; opened a number of ports for trade and gave the Japanese the right to build industrial enterprises in China and import industrial equipment there. And as a result of the defeat in 1898, the weakened China agreed to transfer Port Arthur to Russia on a 25-year concession (which became the cause of the Russo-Japanese War of 1904-1905).

In 1899-1901. the popular anti-imperialist revolt of ihetuan (boxing rebellion) broke out against foreign interference in the economy, domestic policy and the religious life of China. However, it was suppressed by a coalition of foreign powers, which included Japan. As a result, China has become even more dependent on foreign states. The so-called "Peking Protocol" signed in 1901 consolidated all the territorial detachments from China that occurred in the 1890s, and also guaranteed the non-presentation of further territorial claims to China.

After the victorious Russian-Japanese war of 1904-1905. Japan has increased political and economic pressure on China in order to seize new territories. In 1914, Japan seized the Shandong Peninsula (at that time a German colony in China) under the pretext of entering the First World War. In 1915, Japan put forward the so-called "21 demands", which became a national humiliation of China, since Japan actually demanded that China submit to its influence.

In 1932, Japan created a puppet state on the territory of Chinese Manchuria, and in 1937 unleashed aggression against China. Despite the numerical superiority over the Japanese, the effectiveness and combat capability of the Chinese troops was very low, the Chinese army suffered 8.4 times more losses than the Japanese. The actions of the armed forces of the Western Allies, as well as the armed forces of the USSR, saved China from complete defeat. All in all, according to the results of the war, Chinese sources cite a figure of 35 million - the total number of losses (armed forces and civilians). A very significant source in subsequent relations was the use of terror tactics against the local population, illustrative examples of which are the Nanjing Massacre of 1937 (according to documents and records, Japanese soldiers killed more than 200,000 civilians and Chinese soldiers in 28 massacres, and at least 150,000 more people have been killed in isolated cases (the maximum estimate of all victims is 500,000). Also at this time, inhuman experiments on prisoners of war and civilians (Chinese, Manchus, Russians, Mongols and Koreans) were characteristic in the creation of bacteriological weapons (Detachment 731).

Japanese troops in China formally surrendered on September 9, 1945. The Japanese-Chinese, like the Second World War in Asia, ended due to the complete surrender of Japan to the allies. After the departure of Japan in 1945. from China, in the latter there was a civil war for several more years.

Considering this period, we can say that it was then that the cornerstone of contradictions in modern Sino-Japanese relations was laid. The long chain of Japanese invasions and war crimes in China between 1894 and 1945, as well as Japan's contemporary attitude to its past, were the main sources that influenced current and future Sino-Japanese relations. A few of the most important issues on which the negative attitude of the Chinese public towards Japan is based.

First: China is concerned about the problem of comprehending Japan's historical past. For example, during 2001, ignoring historical facts, Japan falsified history textbooks denying Japanese aggression against China. And the former Minister of Justice Seisuke Okuno believes that "Japan fought not against other Asian countries, but against Europe and the United States. Asia opposed white supremacy and won independence." According to the official Beijing and the Chinese population, Japan as a whole did not realize its crime in the course of the aggression, at least it failed to express a "public apology" in a sufficiently convincing form to the Asian public. The topic of "apology" can hardly be understood by Europeans or Americans, but it is very important for the Asian peoples, especially the former victims of Japanese aggression.

Second: the Taiwan question. China has clearly expressed its position on the relationship between Japan and Taiwan. Namely, China is not against official contacts between them, but is categorically against Japan's actions aimed at creating two Chinas.

Third: the question of the Diaoyu Islands. The territory of the Diaoyu Islands belongs to the province of Taiwan. And Taiwan has belonged to China from time immemorial.

Fourth: the question of the chemical weapons abandoned by the Japanese invaders in China. During the Japanese aggression against China, Japan, openly violating the international convention, used chemical weapons, which led to numerous poisonings of the Chinese military and ordinary citizens. After the announcement of the surrender of Japan, its units left a large number of units in China. chemical weapons... Until now, these weapons are found in many places in China. Due to half a century of erosion, the remains of chemical weapons often decompose and leak, which leads to a serious threat to the life and property security of the Chinese people, and also poses a threat to the ecological environment.

The period from 1945 to the present day

In 1972, when Beijing and Tokyo normalized bilateral relations, the top leadership of the PRC for the sake of the future of Sino-Japanese relations recognized that the responsibility for the war lies with the Japanese military-political elite. Japan agreed with this wording, and the joint communiqué stated that the Japanese side fully acknowledges responsibility for the serious damage Japan inflicted on the Chinese people and deeply regrets it. It is likely that this was a far-sighted move by the Chinese leadership, in particular by Mao Zedong and Zhou Enlai. Having formally renounced Japanese reparations, Beijing ultimately won both in politics and in the economy. In politics, this was expressed in the fact that by its actions, Beijing to a certain extent contributed to Tokyo's break with Taiwan and Japan's recognition of mainland China as a legitimate subject of international law.

The economic benefit was that the children, grandchildren and great-grandchildren of those who destroyed China, in Japanese, conscientiously rendered assistance in its revival. Today it is difficult to dispute the thesis that the Japanese economic aid, which began to be provided in 1978, after the conclusion of an agreement on peace and cooperation, played a very important role in the formation of the Chinese economy, which is now integrated into the world economy. The Japanese side stated that without the creation of the necessary infrastructure in the Chinese economy by the beginning of the 1980s, the development of subsequent investments would be impossible. Japan laid the foundation for this infrastructure.

From 1979 to 2001, Japan provided the PRC with low-interest loans (0.79-3.50% per annum) in the amount of $ 3 billion. USA (with payment by installments up to 40 years), also transferred 1.4 billion dollars to the PRC. USA as a grant. It should be noted that Japan has invested in China something more than just financial resources - Japanese technologies, the Japanese concept of the scientific and technical base of industry, the highest culture of production. With the technical assistance of Japan, many branches of industry (automobile and machine-tool building), high-tech industries, and equipment for the energy complex were created or reconstructed. The transport and communications sector was developed to an unimaginable level for the former China.

In 1998. President of the People's Republic of China Jiang Zemin paid a state visit to Japan, and in 1999. Japanese Prime Minister Keizo Obuchi - in the PRC. The parties determined the framework of relations of friendship, cooperation and partnership aimed at peace and development, emphasized the priorities and directions for enhancing business cooperation in various fields.

In 1999, the volume of trade between the PRC and Japan amounted to 66 billion US dollars. Japan has invariably been the main source of investment in the PRC. As of the end of June 1999 The PRC has approved about 20 thousand projects for the investments of Japanese enterprises in the PRC. The contractual capital expenditure was $ 37 billion and the practical capital investment exceeded $ 26 billion.

In May 2000. The PRC was visited by an unprecedented in scale (more than 5,000 people) mission from Japan to intensify cultural and friendly ties between Japan and the PRC. President of the People's Republic of China Jiang Zemin spoke with important speech on the strengthening and development of Sino-Japanese friendship, which caused a positive response among the masses of the two countries. And following a visit to the PRC, in April 2003. Japanese Foreign Minister Ioriko Kawaguchi agreed that Sino-Japanese relations should develop in the spirit of "drawing lessons from the past and turning to the future."

However, despite the positive dynamics in the development of relations between the PRC and Japan, there are also contradictions - the problems of the Diaoyu archipelago and oil and gas production in the East China Sea. In the political sphere, the PRC (as a permanent member of the UN Security Council) seeks to oppose the political rise of Japan. Also, the PRC seeks political and economic leadership in ASEAN, South Asia, Africa and Latin America, opposing Japan's foreign policy, primarily through investment intervention. In the military-political field, the PRC openly opposes Japan's participation in the deployment of regional missile defense systems, seeing this as a threat to its policy of "military containment" of Taiwan's independence through an open threat of a missile strike. Also, the PRC in a very offensive form expresses concern about Tokyo's military innovations. In response to Japan's military actions, the PRC seeks to increase its "advantages" as a nuclear power, implementing a program for the development and improvement of national strategic nuclear forces, as well as modernizing its Armed Forces.

Sino-Japanese dispute over the Senkaku Islands (Diaoyu)

The territorial dispute between China and Japan escalated after Tokyo officially decided to acquire three islands in the Senkaku (Diaoyu) archipelago. Beijing, which considered these lands part of the PRC, declared the deal illegal and invalid.

The formal reason for the aggravation is the actions of the Japanese side. It was she who initiated the transfer of the Senkaku (Diaoyu) Islands from private ownership to state ownership. Legally, this action has nothing to do with the issue of sovereignty: even if a Chinese person buys land in Japan, this does not mean that it will pass under the sovereignty of China.

The Senkaku Islands (Diaoyu Islands) are located in the East China Sea, 170 kilometers northeast of Taiwan. According to Beijing, China first discovered the archipelago in 1371. In 1885, according to the Shimonoseki Treaty, which ended the first Sino-Japanese War, the islands passed into the possession of Japan.

After World War II, the islands were under US control and were ceded to Tokyo in 1972. Taiwan and mainland China believe that Japan is holding the islands illegally. In turn, the Japanese government says that China and Taiwan have been claiming the islands since the 1970s, when it was revealed that the area is rich in minerals. In the current picture of the world, any stone that sticks out from under the water is not just a stone, but another 200 miles of an exclusive economic zone. Accordingly, this is the shelf, fish and much more. As it turned out, a natural gas field is located near the Senkaku (Diaoyu) Islands.

In September 2012. the Japanese government bought out three of the five islands from a private owner. China demanded to annul this agreement and sent 4 patrol vessels to the archipelago. Japan opposed these actions, threatening to use force.

In China, the transfer of the islands to state ownership was perceived as a violation of the status quo, about which, from the Chinese point of view, mutual understanding has been maintained since the normalization of relations.

There is also a more fundamental reason for the aggravation of the Sino-Japanese conflict. China's economic and political strength, based on a long period of successful economic growth, is increasing from year to year. The growth of the Chinese economy contributes to the deepening of economic cooperation with major partners, including Japan. Trade between the two countries reached $ 345 billion last year. Japan is the largest investor in the Chinese economy, and for it China is a leading trading partner, both in the field of imports and exports.

It would seem that the two countries need to resolutely avoid any disputes. After all, a serious conflict will cause irreparable damage to both countries, each of which is experiencing economic difficulties. But economic considerations do not always determine the relationship between countries. Economic interdependence is, of course, a deterrent to the Sino-Japanese confrontation. But there are also considerations of a political, nationalistic, psychological nature.

Under public pressure, official Beijing is expanding its sphere of "fundamental interests": if earlier it was mainly about Taiwan, now it is the Diaoyu, and islands in the South China Sea, and Tibet, and Xinjiang, and issues of providing the economy with the missing resources.

Japan is extremely sensitive to any concessions or compromises. Any politician trying to find a compromise solution to numerous territorial disputes - and Japan has them not only with China, but also with all other neighbors: Russia, Korea, Taiwan - is instantly attacked by the nationalist public and is declared a traitor.

What are the prospects for the conflict? In the current situation, its growth is hardly possible. Both countries are too interested in each other to afford a serious confrontation. Attempts at sanctions and pressure from Beijing are unlikely to lead to anything. Such attempts have already been made earlier, but the Chinese economy depends on Japan no less than the Japanese on the Chinese. Therefore, any sanctions will hit both sides. But the resolution of the conflict by compromise is also unlikely.

Most likely, the conflict will continue to develop in waves, then dying out, then flaring up again. At the same time, much will depend on the development of China. If it goes well and the country's power grows, then Beijing may become less and less accommodating, which will exacerbate the situation. If China's economy faces serious difficulties, then Beijing's leaders will have to tackle more pressing issues.

Introduction

Chapter 1. The main historical aspects of the development of Japanese-Chinese relations.

Chapter 2. Sino-Japanese relations: a possible alliance or an imminent confrontation.

2.1 The problem of the historical past.

2.2 Territorial Dispute.

2.3 Problems of mutual perception.

2.4 Military rivalry

Chapter 3. Prospects for the development of Sino-Japanese relations.

Conclusion

Bibliography

Introduction.

Back at the end of the 19th century. J. Hay - US Secretary of State stated: "The Mediterranean is the ocean of the past, the Atlantic is the ocean of the present, the Pacific is the ocean of the future." Indeed, as if confirming the prediction of J. Hay, now Asia has turned into a powerful world force. We can say that this region has become the most dynamic in the modern world. Japan and China are among the leading economically developed countries in this part of the world.

China and Japan have exerted the strongest influence on each other for over two millennia. Relations between these countries have not always been cloudless and represent a tangle of complex issues in interstate relations. In terms of complexity, they can only be compared with Anglo-French relations.

These countries, as they say, are "nations of one race and one culture." Geographic proximity of the two countries; the tremendous impact that has been made on Japanese society in the past by the Chinese cultural and historical tradition; their cultural and racial community; "And along with this, a significant difference in the historical paths of their development over a hundred years (the rapid rise of Japan against the background of a backward, semi-colonial China) and, finally, the special aggressiveness of Japanese imperialism, the victim of which was China in the first place"; Japan's aspiration for Western civilization and the concept of "separation from Asia and entry into Europe" that arose in Japan - all this determined the unusual fate of relations between China and Japan.

The relevance of the topic of the course work is that in the XXI century. Japan and China are the most powerful economic powers in Asia, influential players in world and regional politics. This year, China has surpassed Japan in terms of gross domestic product (GDP). Economic and political stability in East Asia largely depends on the state of relations between the two countries, and they also affect world politics.

Research object: China's foreign policy.

Research subject: Sino-Japanese relations.

The purpose of this study is to summarize the experience and prospects for the optimization of Sino-Japanese relations, to identify the factors that facilitate this process or inhibit it.

Research objectives:

Analyze the main aspects of the history of Sino-Japanese relations.

To trace the tendencies of development of relations of "rivalry - cooperation" between China and Japan.

Analyze individual achievements and difficulties in Sino-Japanese relations in their main areas: political, economic, scientific-cultural, military-technical.

Outline the prospects for the development of Sino-Japanese relations.

Chapter 1. The main historical periods of the development of Japanese-Chinese relations.

When analyzing modern relations between China and Japan, it is interesting to turn to the past and consider what ideas about each other they developed in the course of long-term interaction. It is obvious that the formation of these ideas was influenced by many factors, primarily the nature of social relations in each of the countries, the nature of relations between countries, and finally, traditions.

As you know, the Chinese cultural and historical tradition in the past has had a tremendous impact on Japanese society. In turn, Japan has a special place in historical destinies, primarily in modern and contemporary times. The geographical proximity of the two countries, their cultural and racial commonality, and along with this, a significant difference in the historical paths of their development over the past hundred years (the rapid rise of Japan against the backdrop of a backward, semi-colonial China), finally, the special aggressiveness of Japanese imperialism, the victim of which in the first place became China, predetermined and a special place for Japan in the Chinese public consciousness.

There are three major periods in the evolution of Sino-Japanese relations:

1) the period of "traditional society" (conditionally from the establishment of interstate contacts to the second half of the 19th century);

2) the period of "transitional society" in China, at the same time the formation and development of Japan as an imperialist power (second half of the 19th - first half of the 20th centuries). Two stages can be distinguished here: from the Japanese-Chinese war of 1894-1895. before the “21 demands” were presented to China in 1915 and from “21 demands” to the defeat of Japan in the Second World War;

3) the period of post-war development of China and Japan (more precisely, from the formation of the PRC to the present). In turn, several stages could be outlined here: the fifties; late fifties - early seventies; from the second half of the seventies to the present time.

In the presented course work, attention will not be focused on the first period, but the second and third periods in the proposed periodization will be presented in more volume. Consideration of Sino-Japanese relations within this time period allows us to single out the contradictory image of Japan that emerged at the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries, which largely retains its main parameters up to today, which makes it possible to outline the prospects for the Sino-Japanese dialogue.

In the history of Sino-Japanese relations, the period of "traditional society" in China and Japan as a whole is characterized by the predominant influence of China, which was at a higher level of social development by the time of the contacts between the two peoples that began at the turn of our era. This influence from the higher (Chinese) civilization was limited mainly to the sphere of culture.

From the very beginning, Japan turned out to be part of an area in which, first of all, the strong cultural influence of China, which was one of the largest centers of ancient civilization, spread. Thanks to Chinese influence, Japanese society was able to borrow certain elements of the culture of other countries and peoples. The Han emperors, for example, pretended to accept gifts from the "Wo people" (the Japanese), seeing this as an expression of dependence on China, but were not worth any plans for military expansion to the Japanese islands. During this period, Japan was of little interest to the Chinese rulers, who maintained (until the establishment of official state relations in the 7th century) only occasional ties with the leaders of Japanese tribal unions. The era of the Tang Dynasty can be considered the time of the greatest cultural and political influence of China on Japanese society in the entire history of Sino-Japanese relations.

In the process of historical evolution in this period, two contradictory tendencies were outlined, acting, relatively speaking, in the directions of mutual attraction and simultaneous repulsion. On the one hand, the powerful influence of the Chinese civilization on Japan created a stereotype of the commonality of the two peoples, which, along with factors of geographic proximity and belonging to the same race, had a fairly solid foundation due to the formation of an idea of special relations and the common fate of the two countries. In parallel with the stereotype of community, other ideas existed. So, in the perception of the Chinese feudal elite, this community was hierarchical, in which the dominant, dominant role belonged to China. It is not difficult to understand that this attitude was one of the sources of the origin of feelings of superiority and arrogance in China's relations.