Lenin are Ukrainian nationalists. Lenin creates Soviet Ukraine

Brilliant ideas about the oppression of "Ukrainians" and "Ukraine" illuminated Ilyich on the occasion of the preparation of the fraternal German and Austro-Hungarian empires for war with Russia.

Until 1913 Lenin " Ukrainian issue”Was not at all interested, which is easy to check by his canonical MSS.

Lenin's first mention of the oppressed "Ukraine" in manuscripts dates back to the end of 1912. It was not published then.

LENIN(V. I. Lenin's theses "On the question of some speeches of workers' deputies" formed the basis of the declaration of the Social Democratic faction of the IV State Duma,PSS, v.22, p.199 , p.203; written in November, later on 11 (24), 1912)

"Against government nationalism, indicating oppressed peoples:

Finland, Poland, Ukraine, Jews and etc. Slogan political self-determination of all nationalities it is extremely important to point out exactly as opposed to any reticence (like one "equality") ".

“All chauvinism and nationalism will meet a merciless enemy in the Social-Democrats. faction, will it be rude, brutal government nationalism, crushing and choking Finland, Poland, Ukraine, Jews and all nationalities, not belonging to the Great Russian- will it be a hypocritically veiled, refined nationalism of liberals and cadets, ready to talk about the great-power tasks of Russia and about her agreement with other powers for the sake of plundering foreign lands?

How a certain " government nationalism"Brutally strangles" Ukraine "for the sake of cyclocross, Lenin never explained anywhere. If you can even guess about the Jews (Pale of Settlement), about Poland and Finland, you can guess something, then who are " Ukrainians"Who is oppressing them nationally and how ?! Although Lenin was demoniac, he did not have the audacity to assert that it was the Great Russians who were oppressing the “Ukrainians”. According to Lenin, the government is somehow especially strangling "Ukraine" for the sake of cyclo-crossings. Madhouse!

The first Leninist publication mentioning Ukrainian nationalism dates back to May 1913.

LENIN ("THE WORKING CLASS AND THE NATIONAL QUESTION", Collected Works, v.23, p.149 , Published on May 10, 1913 in the newspaper Pravda, No. 106):

« Russia- a motley country in terms of nationality. Government policy, the policy of landlords supported by the bourgeoisie, imbued all through and through with Black Hundred nationalism.

This policy is directed with its edge against most of the peoples of Russia making up the majority of its population. And next to this he raises his head bourgeois nationalism of other nations(Polish, Jewish, Ukrainian, Georgian, etc.), trying to distract the working class with a national struggle or a struggle for national culture from its great world tasks. "


As you can see Ukrainian nationalism first mentioned by Lenin as a bad bourgeois phenomenon.

“The class-conscious workers stand for the complete unity of the workers of all nations in all and sundry educational, professional, political, etc. workers' organizations. Let be gentlemen cadets dishonor themselves by denying or belittling the equality of Ukrainians... Let the bourgeoisie of all nations amuse themselves false phrases about national culture, about national tasks, etc., etc.

The workers will not allow themselves to be divided by any sweet speeches about the national culture or "national-cultural autonomy". The workers of all nations stand amicably, together, in common organizations, for complete freedom and complete equality - the guarantee of true culture.

The workers create their own international culture throughout the world, which has long been prepared by the preachers of freedom and the enemies of oppression. The workers oppose the old world, the world of national oppression, national squabbling or national isolation, a new world of unity of working people of all nations, in which there is no place for a single privilege, not for the slightest oppression of man by man. "


We, Soviet people, taught the Leninist concept in schools and universities two national cultures- bourgeois and folk culture, working people. So, the Soviet people were deceived. Lenin by two cultures meant something different, as you can see from his writings. He argued that every national culture - bourgeois(serving to deceive and oppress the working masses), and the workers have their own global international culture. These Leninist fabrications were so absurd that the Soviet government swept them under the rug and taught the people of the revised Ilyich. De, it is necessary to develop the national cultures of the working people. And in the USSR they diligently developed.

Who are they " Ukrainians"And where are their" Ukraine", Comrade Lenin had vague ideas. So in the note: "INTERESTING CONGRESS" ( PSS, v.23, p.288 , published on June 13, 1913 in the newspaper "Pravda" No. 134) « one of the Ukrainian centers"He points out ... Kharkov!

In 1913, Lenin did not yet demand the secession of "Ukraine", did not approve of Ukrainian nationalism, and only following the Poles, he grieved about the oppression of the mythical "Ukrainians" by the tsarism. Initially, Lenin supported Ukrainian separatism only indirectly.

LENIN ("CADETS ABOUT THE UKRAINIAN QUESTION", Collected Works, v.23, p.337 , "Rabochaya Pravda" No. 3, July 16, 1913):

“This article is real chauvinistic persecution of Ukrainians for "separatism"... "Reckless adventurism", "political delirium", "political adventure" - these are the expressions that are replete with the article of the purest Novoye Vremya citizen, Mr. Mikh. Mogilyansky, hiding behind the cloak of "democracy" !! And the constitutional "democratic" party shamelessly covers up this article, publishes it sympathetically and silently approves of such naked chauvinism. "

Business as it was. In Lviv, which belongs to Austria-Hungary, on June 19-22 (July 2-5), 1913, the Second all-ukrainian congress of students. Representatives from Russia attended. At the suggestion of the Ukrainian Social Democrat D. Dontsov, the congress adopted a resolution on “ independent Ukraine". That is, about the separation of "Ukraine" from Russia.

Supported by the Austrians Ukrainian Social Democratic Labor Party(USDRP) was a microscopic and little influential organization. But Petliura and other leaders of the Ukrainians came out of it. The aforementioned Ukrainian Social Democrat Dontsov, since the beginning of the war in 1914, worked in the “ Union for the Liberation of Ukraine ", Which set as its goal the separation of Ukraine from Russia and the formation of an independent monarchical state under the protectorate of Austria-Hungary and Germany.

In 1913, Lenin was still embarrassed to directly support Ukrainian separatism. In his usual boorish manner, he denounces the Cadets for "chauvinism" and points out that " there is no question of all Social Democrats agreeing with Dontsov... But the Social Democrats argued with Dontsov, putting forward their arguments, argued on the same platform, convincing the same audience».

“Woe to the democrats — our cadets! And would-be democrats are those who tolerate such antics of the Cadets without the most ardent protest. Marxists will never allow themselves to be dizzy with a national slogan- all the same, Great Russian, Polish, Jewish, Ukrainian or other... But Marxists also do not forget the elementary duty of every democrat to fight against any persecution of any nation for "separatism", to fight for the recognition of the complete and unconditional equality of nations and their right to self-determination. "

Lenin's position on the Ukrainian question is evasive: we cannot support Ukrainian nationalism, but we will not allow criticism either!

Lenin's boorish manner of polemicizing, Lenin's demonstrative demoniacal possession among the public left the impression of extreme Leninist rr-revolutionary spirit, fanatical ideology and absolute uncompromisingness. However, in his real (political) activities, Lenin was a notorious opportunist. Of modern political figures, in terms of the manner of doing business, Lenin is most similar in Russia - Zhirinovsky, in Ukraine - Lyashko.

It was extremely inconvenient for Lenin to agitate in favor of Ukrainian nationalism and separatism, since such agitation fundamentally contradicts both Marxism and the principled statements declared by Lenin that any bourgeois nationalism... However, Lenin agreed to serve Austrian interests for a small price list. Initially, Lenin maintains some decency and does not approve of Ukrainian separatism. He fiercely yells about the mythical national oppression of "Ukrainians" in Russia, is outraged by Russian criticism of the propaganda of Ukrainian nationalism, talks about the benefits of Ukrainian autonomy. Then, apparently, as the Austrian fees grew, Lenin switched to glorifying national freedoms in the Austro-Hungarian Empire and began to demand the secession of Ukraine. With the outbreak of the war, Lenin directly asserts that tsarism is waging a criminal war with the aim of oppressing Ukraine (as well as Poland and Finland). Next, I will cite Lenin's journalism on the Ukrainian topic.

The beginning of the First World War found Lenin in Krakow, then belonging to Austria-Hungary. The Austrian special services kept a lot of revolutionary subversive centers there, working against Russia.

As a social democrat Lenin studied with the Germans, adhered to a pro-German orientation and intended to turn Russia into a colony of the progressive German " proletariat". Having abandoned the pro-German orientation, however, the Leninist policy of Ukrainization continued Stalin .

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There is no doubt that the Soviet comrades borrowed the idea of ​​Ukrainians from the Austrians and Poles. However, no "Ukraine" except the Soviet one has ever existed.

And this is how they look in reality good Soviet Ukrainian according to Kornev.

MOSCOW, November 28, 2017 - RIA Novosti ... The deputy of the Verkhovna Rada Yevgeny Rybchinsky compared the inhabitants of Donbass with cockroaches and proposed to destroy them with the help of dichlorvos. About itreports "Observer" .

"I AM I'm not interested in the life of cockroaches... Even if a million of them are born in my kitchen, it will not mean that the kitchen will belong to them. No statuses and special modes for cockroaches, only dichlorvos and a lot of dichlorvos... Well, and a couple of thousand Javelins (American anti-tank missile systems - ed.), Of course, "- the publication quotes the parliamentarian's Facebook entry."

“Rybchinsky is known for his scandalous Russophobic statements. So, in January, he compared use of the Russian language with fornication and last year the deputy called the corruption and economic devastation in the country the result of 400 years of "Russian sabotage" against Ukraine. "

“This statement was made to the" Observer "by the People's Deputy of Ukraine (" Will of the People "group) Yevhen Rybchinsky .

"The only real problem for Ukraine will remain pro-Russian, Ukrainophobic population of the region, which will hinder the movement of Ukraine into European institutions and significantly influence the political situation in the country, "he is convinced.

"What to do with it? It's a matter of strategy and tactics. It is strategically very important Ukrainize this region, giving support in it to patriots, who used to be there a lot and who are now quite active both in the capital and in the territories controlled by Kiev. No elections for at least 10 years, no Russian television and newspapers, visa regime with the Russian Federation and active advocacy in the region... This is how it should look true integration", Rybchinsky emphasized.

According to him, "with separatist cockroaches"must figure it out" courts and tribunals"." In my opinion, they deserve life imprisonment and forced labor for the benefit of Ukraine... No amnesties and indulgences. Get out of our kitchen to the Russian trash heap! "- said the people's deputy.

Rybchinsky also recalled that his position on this issue has remained unchanged since 2014. In support of his words, he cited his post published on Facebook on August 26, 2014. "


Convinced punisher Pan E.Yu. Rybchinsky is a typical product of Soviet Ukrainization. And according to Ukrainian concepts, he said everything correctly. They do so whenever possible. In the opinion of Soviet agitators such as comrade. Kornev and Comrade marss2 are good Ukrainians, because they are better than bad Ukrainians.

And which Ukrainians are worse than the Soviet ones? Usually they are frightened by Westerners, authentic Bandera. However, the Russophobia of Galicians is the result of Soviet treatment. And realizing that this war was serious and for a long time, the Westerners en masse changed their moods in favor of reconciliation with Russia and the Russians. In contrast to the Soviet Ukrainians proper, from whom most of the stubborn guards and punishers are recruited.

It is possible to come to an agreement with sinkholes on reasonable terms, but not with Soviet Ukrainians. The widespread Soviet Ukrainians are a cannibalistic mass with a ruling elite of Jews and Caucasians. Lenin's precepts are true!

It became necessary to mention the importance of Lenin in the history of Ukraine. The main idea was ready, but how to formulate it? It did not come to mind, fatigue affected. Although, what a trifle, but at that moment nothing came to mind. And I decided to turn to inspiration, and what inspires a person the best? Of course the internet! And literally after 4 minutes of searching, I found it. This was the article " Lenin and Ukraine", and what is most interesting is that Ukrainian site... Knowing with what fury the modern Ukrainian authorities are destroying the memory and monuments inherited from history, I decided to repost this text. I don’t know how reliable this information is about Lenin and his role in the formation of today's Ukraine within the borders that exist today. But I am 100% sure of one thing without Lenin there would be no present Ukraine. ( Given the current situation, we can say: Would it be better if Lenin did nothing?)
The article is dated July 8, 2012 (one of the best days in Ukraine). I think in the near future the article will go under the knife. Therefore, it is our sacred duty to keep it!
In the good Soviet times, there was a song with the following words: “... but you, January, are not welcome. You took your friend away from us. " This refers to the death of Vladimir Ilyich Ulyanov (Lenin) on January 22, 1924. During the years of Gorbachev's "perestroika", or rather "catastrophe", ideals were debunked. This continues in independent Ukraine. This machine of de-ideologization also touched the name of Lenin. Overthrowing authority is the surest way to appear smart without bothering to learn anything, even what you subvert. Nowadays, few people would call Lenin a great man, especially among young people.
So who was he?
A friend of all workers or an evil genius?
You just need to see what Lenin did for all of humanity - without exaggeration for everything. View objectively. Well, if you look a little narrower and see, what did he do for Ukraine? I will try to answer briefly.
Immediately after the February revolution, some states that were part of the Russian Empire turned to the Provisional Government with a request to secede from Russia, in particular Poland, Finland, Ukraine... Provisional government everyone refused.
The Bolshevik Party, led by Lenin, was the only political force in Russia that, after the February Revolution, supported the Ukrainian national movement. Without Lenin, it could have died out in the summer of 1917. Without Lenin and his party, there would have been no Ukrainian statehood, which was fully realized in the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. It was in the Soviet Union that Ukraine united all Ukrainian lands.
The government of the Ukrainian People's Republic, headed by Petliura, handed over Western Ukraine to Poland and Romania during the civil war. It was not for nothing that Petliura was declared an enemy of the population of Western Ukraine. A the leadership of the Soviet Union, fulfilling the behests of Lenin, returned these lands to Ukraine in 1939. Crimea was also transferred to Ukraine during the Soviet era The decree of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR on the transfer was signed by our fellow countryman, Bolshevik Kliment Voroshilov. Donbass, Kharkov and Dnepropetrovsk regions in 1918, having created the Donetsk-Kryvyi Rih Republic, announced their secession from Ukraine and entry into the Russian Federation. Lenin was categorically against this, saying that without Donbass, Ukraine could not become an independent state. Thus, the current cathedral Ukraine within its existing borders is a Leninist legacy.
Lenin attached great importance to the development of modern large-scale industry: mechanical engineering, energy, chemical industry and other industries. It was in Ukraine that the firstborn of the Soviet five-year plans appeared - Dneproges. The entire industry of Soviet Ukraine corresponded to a developed independent state - industry, transport, agriculture and ensuring the state's defense capability. For 20 years of independence in Ukraine did not appear not a single large industrial enterprise... Agriculture also lags far behind the Soviet period.
Even the Western region of Ukraine received stable and promising development from the Soviet regime. After the annexation of Western Ukraine to the Soviet, the first thing they began to develop there was education, medicine and science. And in our time, millions of Western Ukrainian workers left their homes. Western Ukraine lives almost as before 1939, when the only industrial enterprise there was the Lviv Brewery.
Without Lenin and the Bolshevik Party he created, there would have been no Ukrainian state. It was at Lenin's proposal that the party's program laid down the right of nations to self-determination, which appeared after the events of 1991, the main independence of our country.
Lenin was the initiator of the industrialization of Soviet Ukraine. Powerful industry is also a Leninist legacy. Thanks to Lenin's policy, a highly developed agriculture was created in Ukraine. Lenin also stood at the origins of the Ukrainian cultural and national revival of the 1920s, thanks to which our compatriots learned to read and write in their native language. That is why Soviet Ukraine was ranked among the five most developed countries in the world by most indicators.
The fact that Ukraine was one of the states that founded the United Nations, says a lot... First of all, that, despite the fact that Ukraine was part of the USSR, she had the opportunity to pursue her domestic and foreign policy. Much more than today.
After Lenin's ideas of building a state were rejected, Ukraine found itself on the outskirts of civilization. Despite these irrefutable facts, monuments to Lenin are being destroyed in Western Ukraine, monuments to the Benders and Petluras are being erected.
There are also monuments to Lenin in Lugansk. The central district of the city - Leninsky, Lenin streets in the center of the old part of the city and in the village of Yubileiny, in the Kamennobrodsky district - Lenin square, the diesel locomotive plant erected the Palace of Culture, which bears the name of Lenin, was named after him. We also had a plant named after Lenin, by the way, a plant, from the foundation of which the history of our city began.
But did Lenin know about such a small town as our town was before the 1917 revolution? It turns out that he knew, and not only knew, but also took part in his fate. Lenin's direct appeal to the people of Luhansk was almost immediately after the victory of the October Revolution. The first world war was going on. The Lugansk Cartridge Plant is always in the field of vision of the country's military leaders. Telegrams arrive at the plant. From the Main Artillery Directorate of the tsarist government in 1916: "Urgently increase the production of cartridges." The February Revolution is taking place. The Provisional Government, continuing the world massacre, sends a telegram to Lugansk: "It is necessary to increase the production of cartridges for the front." The October Revolution took place, the young state also needs to defend itself. Lenin sends a telegram to the commissioner of the Luhansk plant: "Please inform us urgently what help is needed to increase the output of cartridges." Comparison of the text of telegrams speaks for itself.
In October, before the revolution, the Lugansk Defense Commission demanded from the head of the cartridge factory, General Zurabov, to send a representative to Petrograd for a batch of trucks. Ya.S. was sent. Belousov. In Petrograd, he took part in the storming of the Winter Palace in the Austen armored car. He happened to be Lenin's personal driver. During his trips, Lenin asked him about the situation in Lugansk, about K. Voroshilov.
In January 1918, a decree of the People's Secretariat was issued on the nationalization of the steam locomotive plant of the joint-stock company "Hartman". The plant was in an extremely poor condition. New plant managers A. Kamensky and I. Shmyrov were sent to the Council of People's Commissars (SNK) in Petrograd. Luhansk residents met with Lenin, who brought the issue of helping the Luhansk people to a meeting of the Council of People's Commissars. A decree was adopted to provide the plant with financial and other assistance. This saved the plant from final collapse and helped, accordingly, the city.
In 1919, the workers of Lugansk became famous for their unparalleled feats during the defense of the city. Armed by Britain and France, Denikin's troops were rushing to Moscow. But the people of Luhansk got in the way. Lenin decides to send troops to Lugansk to help the workers of the city. The arrived Moscow divisions provided significant assistance to the Luhansk people in the defense of the city. The delay of the White Guard troops near Lugansk made it possible to organize the defense of the center of Russia, as a result, the White Guards were defeated.
Considering Lenin's services to the workers of Lugansk, the presence of monuments to him in our city can be considered justified. But few people know that one of them is missing. One of the Luhansk monuments to the leader of the world proletariat stands in Italy - in the city of Kavriago on Lenin Square. The inhabitants of this city in the distant 1920 elected Vladimir Ilyich "honorary mayor of the city." During the occupation of Luhansk in 1942, Italian troops were stationed in the city. Among them were residents of the city of Kavriago. They took out a bust of Lenin and sent it as a gift to Mussolini. The monument was placed in the Roman National Gallery of Modern Art. In 1970, in honor of the centenary of the leader, it was installed on Lenin Square in the city of Kavriago.
Nobody managed to rise to the level of Lenin. The real Lenin is a portrait of his revolutionary era. The revolution is his virtue, a blessing for hundreds of millions who for the first time rose from bestial vegetation to a truly human life, no matter how difficult it may be, and an undoubted evil for those who are accustomed to living at the expense of others and from whom the revolution took away the possibility of parasitism.
When a revolution is victorious, it has no shortage of supporters. When she has already won a victory, many swear loyalty to her (and the louder they swear, the more likely they are not entirely sincere in their oaths). It is more difficult to remain (or become) a revolutionary when the revolution is difficult, when it is defeated.
There are people who die like humans much earlier than doctors fix their physical death. There are people who live as long as their business lives. Lenin is one of these people. And he will not be killed either by slander against him, or by the fierce struggle waged against him by custom-made "scientists".
In the struggle, Lenin's name and his teachings only grow stronger.

If you want to understand the civil war, pick up a volume of Lenin or Denikin. Everything that we now see in Ukraine has already happened once in our history.

Draw your own conclusions. But it seems that Ukrainian nationalists are in vain demolishing the monuments to Ilyich ...

April 1917. An all-Russian conference of the Bolsheviks is taking place in Petrograd. Lenin delivers a speech on the national question.

Before you read a fragment of it, I want to give a little explanation.

Lenin at the beginning of 1917 was a populist striving for power. This is the destroyer of the state. Lenin at the end of 1917 and beyond was the creator of the state. Everything that he denied at the beginning of 1917, he will then create.

In his speeches immediately upon arrival in a "sealed carriage" Vladimir Ilyich defends the need to eliminate the police and ... the army. Instead - the police and ... the general arming of the people.

At the same time, by the word "militia", Lenin understands not the militia that was in our country until recently (and now it has become the police again), but something like a militia of the militia. When industrial capitalists pay for the days when their workers keep order in the police. As for the "general arming of the people" - this is a point of the RSDLP (b) program. And the Bolsheviks will embody it. During World War II, they would disband the army and navy, leaving Russia defenseless. And immediately they will begin to create a new army - their own, the Red. And only by creating it, they will be able to create the USSR.

No state can exist without law enforcement and without an army. Not a single patriot will ever call for their destruction. Because the destruction of "organs" and the army will always weaken the country and strengthen its competitors on the world chessboard.

So in whose interests did Lenin put forward the idea of ​​disbanding the army? For whom did he constantly talk about the "general arming of the people", whom he did not allow for a minute immediately after he came to power?

And immediately - to stop speculation. Lenin was never a German spy. Never!

Now, understanding what ideas in the interests of the geopolitical opponents of his homeland he put forward in the field of defense, it will be easy for you to understand what he stood for in the field of national politics ...

"Speech on the national question on April 29 (May 12)" / Seventh (April) All-Russian Conference of the RSDLP (b)

“Since there are remnants of unresolved issues by the bourgeois revolution, we stand for their solution. We are indifferent to the separatist movement, neutral. If Finland, if Poland, Ukraine secede from Russia, there is nothing wrong with that. What's wrong with that? Whoever says this is a chauvinist. You have to go crazy to continue the policy of Tsar Nicholas. After all, Norway moved away from Sweden ... Once, Alexander I and Napoleon exchanged peoples, once the kings changed Poland. And will we continue this tactic of the kings? This is a rejection of the tactics of internationalism, this is chauvinism of the worst brand. If Finland separates, what's wrong with that? Both peoples, the proletariat of Norway and Sweden, strengthened their trust in each other after secession. The Swedish landowners wanted to go to war, but the Swedish workers opposed this and said: we will not go to this war. The Finnish people want now only autonomy. We are for complete freedom to Finland, then the confidence in Russian democracy will increase, it is then that they will not secede when this is put into practice. When Mr. Rodichev comes to them and haggles over autonomy, Finnish comrades come to us and say: we need autonomy. And against them they open fire from all guns, saying: "wait for the Constituent Assembly." We say: "The Russian socialist who denies the freedom of Finland is a chauvinist."

We say that borders are determined by the will of the population. Russia, don't you dare to fight over Courland! Germany, down with the troops from Courland! This is how we resolve the issue of separation. The proletariat cannot resort to violence, for it should not interfere with the freedom of peoples. Then the slogan "get out of the border" will be true, when the socialist revolution becomes a reality, not a method, and we will say then: comrades, come to us ...
The question of the war is quite another matter. If necessary, we will not give up the revolutionary war. We are not pacifists ... When Milyukov sits with us and sends Rodichev to Finland, who there shamelessly bargains with the Finnish people, we say: no, don’t you dare, the Russian people, to rape Finland: the people who themselves oppress other peoples cannot be free. ... In the resolution on Borgbjerg, we say: withdraw the troops and leave the nation to decide the issue on its own. Now, if tomorrow the Soviet takes power into its own hands, it will not be a "method of socialist revolution", we will say then: Germany, down with the troops from Poland, Russia, down with the troops from Armenia, otherwise it will be a deception.
About his oppressed Poland comrade. Dzerzhinsky tells us that there are all chauvinists. But why did none of the Poles say a word, what to do with Finland, what to do with Ukraine? We have been arguing so much on this score since 1903 that it becomes difficult to talk about it. Wherever you want, go there and go ... Whoever does not adhere to this point of view is an annexationist, a chauvinist. We want a fraternal union of all peoples. If there is a Ukrainian Republic and a Russian Republic, there will be more connection, more trust between them. If the Ukrainians see that we have a republic of Soviets, they will not secede, but if we have a republic of Milyukov, they will secede. When Comrade. Pyatakov, in complete contradiction with his views, said: we are against forcible confinement within borders — this is the recognition of the nation's right to self-determination. We absolutely do not want the Khiva man to live under the Khiva Khan. By developing our revolution, we will influence the oppressed masses. Agitation within the oppressed masses should be presented only in this way.

But any Russian socialist who does not recognize the freedom of Finland and Ukraine will slide into chauvinism. And they will never justify themselves with any sophisms and references to their "method". "

The whole truth about Ukraine [Who benefits from the split of the country?] Prokopenko Igor Stanislavovich

Lenin creates Soviet Ukraine

Until the fall of the autocracy in 1917, there was no such country - Ukraine. This is the colloquial name for two provinces on the outskirts of the Russian Empire.

Vladimir Lavrov, Chief Researcher of the Institute of Russian History of the Russian Academy of Sciences, Doctor of Historical Sciences, recalls how the map of modern Ukraine looked before: “If we talk about provinces in tsarist times, there were two provinces, only two. One is centered in Kiev, the other is centered in Chernigov, and that's it. That is, it was rather a speculative, theoretical concept - Ukraine, or Little Russia. And then, in Soviet times, construction began, and New Russia, which had never been Ukraine, was annexed to Ukraine. "

In this regard, today's pogroms cause great bewilderment - the destruction of statues of Lenin and other monuments of the Soviet era. Apparently, few people remember that it is the Bolsheviks, and not the nationalists, that Ukraine owes a significant part of its territories.

A senior researcher at the Institute of Russian History of the Russian Academy of Sciences, Candidate of Historical Sciences, Andrey Marchukov, cannot find an explanation for this either: “When Ukrainians are now demolishing monuments to Lenin, this is some kind of suicidal motive, since it is Lenin who is the father of Ukrainian statehood. It was Lenin who created Ukraine, then Stalin helped, but the main thing is Lenin, and now they are destroying his monuments. This is weird".

Let's remember how it happened. When the tsarist regime fell in 1917, each city perceived the new government in its own way. In some regions, Bolsheviks and anarchists ruled, in others, supporters of autocracy. The choice was especially difficult for the territories on the left bank of the Dnieper - Kharkov, Dnepropetrovsk, Donetsk, Lugansk and Crimea ...

Andrey Marchukov: “The people of the South-East and South of the Little Russian provinces, which are now the South and South-East of Ukraine, began to organize themselves. These were politically active groups. And in order to prevent Ukrainian nationalists from coming to these lands, the Donetsk-Kryvyi Rih Republic, the Odessa Republic and the Republic of Tavrida were formed there at the end of 1917. These were Soviet republics, but they declared themselves to be part of Soviet Russia solely in order to prevent Ukrainian nationalists from entering these lands. "

How did it happen that this region was annexed to the territory of Soviet Ukraine? With the collapse of the empire, nationalist sentiments intensified. After the February Revolution, the Central Rada, headed by Mikhail Hrushevsky, became the main legislative body of the region, which fought for the independence of Ukraine. But the Bolshevik government did not lose hope of returning its territory to its sphere of influence.

I talked to Head of the Center for the History of Russia, Ukraine and Belarus, Doctor of Historical Sciences Alexander Shubin about the relations of the Central Rada with the Bolsheviks, and this is what he said: "The Central Rada says:" We want to live within the great Russia, to have wide autonomy. " The Bolsheviks say: "Yes, all the peoples of Russia have the right to broad autonomy, and if they want, even to independence, although this is not very expedient." The Bolsheviks always emphasize this. When they say that they were deliberately destroying Russia, this is not entirely fair. They didn't want to. But any Council could receive broad autonomy if it wanted it. Then another question arises: who represents the Ukrainian people? "

Despite the presence of Marxists in the Central Rada, the Bolsheviks did not consider it ideologically loyal. They rightly feared that the self-appointed parliament could show some unexpected initiative at any moment. Or do without them altogether.

Alexander Shubin: “The Central Rada represents the bourgeoisie,” said the Bolsheviks, “and not the entire Ukrainian people, not the working people. The workers are represented by the Ukrainian Congress of Soviets. " The Central Rada says: "Okay, we will arrange a Congress of Soviets for you." The Congress of Soviets is announced in December 1917, everyone is going to this Congress of Soviets, everyone is mobilizing their forces. The elections are very vague - the elections at the Congress of Soviets have always been not very clear: whoever arrived has a mandate. "

So, on December 4, 1917, the All-Ukrainian Congress of Soviets was held in Kiev. Most of the delegates supported the Central Rada. It was a failure for the Bolsheviks ... And then they took an original and unprecedented step.

To make the whole of Ukraine Soviet, they decided to add to it those regions where they had more allies. This is how Ukraine appeared within the borders in which it still exists.

A case study recalls historian Andrey Marchukov: “Kliment Efremovich Voroshilov, who for some reason began to be considered some kind of narrow-minded subject in Soviet times, was in fact an outstanding politician. He, being the head of the Lugansk Bolsheviks, managed to win the majority in the Lugansk Soviet through a political struggle, peacefully, when the popularity of the Bolsheviks there was extremely insignificant, the leading role was played by the Mensheviks, Socialist-Revolutionaries and others. He managed to make the Soviets Bolshevik. "

Kharkov, Lugansk, Donetsk - that is what the Bolsheviks could hope for. And that means that we need to rely on these cities and territories, and not on Kiev controlled by the Central Rada - after all, in Kiev, the Congress of Soviets is not in favor of the Bolsheviks. And then they leave this "wrong" congress of Soviets, leave for Kharkov and there they gather their big congress of the eastern regions. Bolshevik supporters here proclaim the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic within very broad boundaries.

The basis of the Soviet Ukrainian Republic was primarily the southeastern regions. They were never Ukrainian, but this did not bother the Bolsheviks at all, because the population supported their ideas and views. After all, they were all building one huge communist power.

This is how this historical paradox sees Alexander Shubin: “They understand: if Ukraine is left only where the Ukrainian idea definitely predominates, then the Bolsheviks will have no influence there. And if Ukraine expands, which the Central Rada also wants, then the Bolsheviks will have influence, because all these regions will be for them. The Central Rada wants influence and a large territory, but due to the large territory, its influence is eroded. The Bolsheviks want to fight nationalism, due to this they make a large Ukraine in order to have influence and defeat the Central Rada. "

The borders of this large Ukraine expanded back in the days of the USSR. In 1939, as a result of the new partition of Poland, the territories of Galicia and Bukovina were ceded to the Soviet Ukraine. In 1940 - part of Bessarabia and Bukovina, formerly part of Romania. After the war, it was a part of Czechoslovakia, which bears the historical name Subcarpathian Rus. And finally, in 1954 Nikita Khrushchev hands over the Republic of Crimea to Ukraine ...

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Today many myths are being composed about Lenin's attitude to the national question, incl. and Ukrainian. It seems to me timely and relevant to conduct a small educational program on this topic on the birthday of Vladimir Ilyich Lenin.

For such a multinational and contradictory country like Tsarist Russia, where the dominant and most numerous nation of Russians (Great Russians) constituted a minority (43%) of the population, the correct solution of the national question was of exceptional importance. Proceeding from this, at the beginning of the 20th century, Lenin developed the theoretical foundations and practical requirements of the Marxist national program. In a number of works, he substantiated the programmatic provisions of the party. Lenin's works on the Ukrainian question contain invaluable ideological wealth, represent a huge source of knowledge about the most complex and most important national problem for Ukraine, about how it must be solved in the interests of the entire people.

In the Program of the RSDLP, adopted by the II Congress of the party in 1903, it was stated that the party sets its immediate political task to create a democratic republic, the constitution of which would provide: regional self-government for localities distinguished by special living conditions and composition of the population; full equality of rights for all citizens, regardless of religion, race and nationality; the right of the population to receive education in their native language, ensured by the creation of the schools necessary for this at the expense of the state and self-government bodies; the right of every citizen to speak in their native language at meetings; the introduction of the native language along with the state language in all local public and state institutions; the right to self-determination belongs to all nations that make up the state.

Naturally, the attitude of the party to the rights of the Ukrainian nation followed from the program provisions. Nevertheless, in December 1912, Lenin took up an in-depth study of the Ukrainian national question. In work " National question.II"Lenin made extracts with critical remarks from the books: S. Shchegolev. "Ukrainian movement as a modern stage of South Russian separatism." K., 1912; M. Hrushevsky. “Ukrainians in Russia, their requests and needs”. SPb., 1906; from P.B. Struve's articles on “Ukrainism” in the journal “Russian Thought”.

Lenin's keen interest in the Ukrainian question was due to the rapid growth of both local, Ukrainian, and great-power Russian bourgeois nationalism in view of the impending imperialist world war. In addition, Lenin took into account that, according to the all-Russian census of 1897, the Ukrainian nation was the second largest (17%) after the Russian, and together the two Slavic peoples, “so close both in language, and in place of residence, and in character, and in history "made up the majority of the country's population. Lenin also took into account the fact that Ukraine was one of the most industrially developed regions of the empire, and its working class was one of the most numerous units of the all-Russian proletariat. The proletariat of Ukraine was multinational, it consisted of Ukrainians, Russians, Belarusians, Jews, Poles, and others, with Ukrainians accounting for about 70% of industrial workers.

In the conditions of Ukraine, the struggle of the proletariat for liberation from the oppression of the landowners and capitalists was linked with the struggle for national liberation. Hence the task of the Bolshevik Party - to merge the struggle of the working people for socialism and national liberation into one stream. The opposite task was set by the great-power Russians and local, Ukrainian bourgeois nationalists - to subordinate the working people to their influence, separating them along ethnic lines.

Under the pretext of preparing for the "defense of the fatherland," the Russian great-power leaders (the tsarist government, the Cadets and other right-wing parties) intensified their attacks on representatives of the national movement. Such Black-Hundred organizations as the Union of the Russian People and the Chamber of Michael the Archangel have stepped up their activities. In Kiev, the “Club of Russian Nationalists” functioned, whose members instilled in the public that the Ukrainians allegedly strive to create an autonomous Ukraine under the Habsburg scepter and destroy the great Russian Empire, and therefore they should not be trusted. In May 1913 V. I. Lenin in the article “ The working class and the national question"Noted:" Government policy, the policy of the landlords supported by the bourgeoisie, is completely imbued with Black Hundred nationalism.».

At the same time, Ukrainian bourgeois nationalism raised its head, “ trying to distract the working class by national struggle or struggle for national culture from its great world tasks". The Party of Ukrainian Social Democrats (USDRP), whose heralds were D. Dontsov, L. Yurkevich, and others, allegedly advocated for the sake of strengthening the unity of the nation, for weakening the strong ties that had developed over the centuries between the Ukrainian and Russian peoples within one state.

Lenin twice used the deputy status of a member of the Bolshevik Party, Petrovsky, to propagate from the Duma rostrum the party's program and policy on the national, including Ukrainian, issue. In April 1913, Lenin wrote and sent to Petrovsky a draft speech "On the National Question", which he delivered at a meeting of the Duma on May 20. The speech attracted the attention of the progressive public throughout the country.

In turn, the workers turned to the Bolshevik deputies with various requests and proposals. For example, on June 22, 1913, Pravda published in Ukrainian a letter from 1790 peasants of the Yekaterinoslav province to Petrovsky regarding the statement by the chairman of the IV State Duma of the Ukrainian landowner monarchist Rodzianko that teaching in Ukrainian schools in Ukrainian is impossible, because such a language allegedly does not exist at all ... In their letter, the peasants, protesting against Rodzianko's speech, asked the Bolshevik deputies to defend the demands of Ukraine's autonomy along with autonomy for other nationalities, the introduction of the Ukrainian language in Ukrainian schools and in all public institutions. " And the Panamas Rodzinks, Skoropadsky and Savenkam are nagaduєmo;", - the Ukrainian peasants concluded their letter.

Those. Lenin's position on the Ukrainian question was formed in an inextricable connection with constantly changing social practice and was based on the study of a huge amount of factual material.

« Conscious workers- Lenin explained, - do not preach separation; they know the benefits of big states and the unification of large masses of workers. But large states can be democratic only with the fullest equality of nations, and such equality also means the right to secession.».

In the article “ More about "nationalism"Lenin, arguing with the Russian great-power chauvinist Duma deputy Savenko, who declared that the demand to grant Ukraine autonomy threatens the unity of Russia, asked reasonable questions:" Why doesn't "autonomy" interfere with the unity of Austria-Hungary? Why "autonomy" even strengthened for a long time the unity of England and many of its colonies? ... What kind of oddity is this? Would the readers and listeners of the "nationalist" sermon come to mind why it is impossible to strengthen the unity of Russia through the autonomy of Ukraine? "

In the article “ On the right of nations to self-determination Lenin developed this idea: “... Why can't Russia try to“ strengthen ”the ties of Ukrainians with Russia ... by granting Ukrainians freedom of their native language, self-government, an autonomous diet, etc.? ... Is it not clear that the more freedom the Ukrainian nationality has in one country or another, the stronger the connection of this nationality with this country will be? It seems that one cannot argue against this elementary truth, if one does not break decisively with all the premises of democracy.».

Defending the equality of languages, V. I. Lenin in the article “ Liberals and Democrats on the Question of Languages"Compared the situation in Switzerland with the situation in tsarist Russia:" Little Switzerland does not lose, but benefits from the fact that it does not have one national language, but there are three of them: German, French and Italian. In Switzerland, 70% of the population are Germans (in Russia, 43% are Great Russians), 22% are French (in Russia, 17% of Ukrainians), 7% are Italians (in Russia, 6% of Poles and 4.2% of Belarusians) ... , if the imposition of one of the languages ​​stops, then all Slavs will easily and quickly learn to understand each other and will not be afraid of the "terrible" thought that speeches in different languages ​​will be heard in the common parliament».

In work " Critical Notes on the National Question", Opposing Ukrainian nationalists, Lenin wrote that" even from the point of view of bourgeois nationalists, some of whom want complete equality and autonomy for Ukraine, while others want an independent Ukrainian state, this reasoning does not stand up to criticism. The enemy of the liberation aspirations of the Ukrainians is the class of Great Russian and Polish landowners, then the bourgeoisie of the same two nations. What social force is capable of repelling these classes? The first decade of the 20th century gave the actual answer: this force is exclusively the working class, leading the democratic peasantry. In an effort to divide and thereby weaken a truly democratic force, whose victory would make national violence impossible, Mr. Yurkevich betrays the interests not only of democracy in general, but also of his homeland, Ukraine. With the united action of the Great Russian and Ukrainian proletarians, free Ukraine is possible, without such unity there can be no talk of it. "

“... The powerful of this world coexist splendidly together, like the shareholders of“ profitable ”million-dollar“ affairs ”(like the Lena mines) - both Orthodox Christians and Jews, and Russians and Germans, and Poles and Ukrainians, everyone who has capital, amicably exploit workers of all "nations". That's why " It is all the same to the hired worker whether the Great Russian bourgeoisie is preferable to the foreign bourgeoisie, or the Polish bourgeoisie is preferable to the Jewish one, and so on. The hired worker, who is aware of the interests of his class, is indifferent to the state privileges of the Great Russian capitalists and to the promises of the Polish and Ukrainian capitalists that paradise will be established on earth when they have state privileges ... In any case, the hired worker will remain an object of exploitation, and a successful the struggle against it requires the independence of the proletariat from nationalism. "

The only political force in Russia independent of nationalism was the Leninist Bolshevik Party, which united in its ranks the proletarians of the entire country, without distinction of nationality, and built its activities on the principles of internationalism. " Thin advisers to workers, petty-bourgeois intellectuals from "Dzvin", - wrote Lenin, - they are climbing out of their skin, trying to reject the Ukrainian Social-Democrats. workers from Great Russians. "Dzvin" is doing the work of the nationalist bourgeoisie. And we will do the work of the international workers: to unite, unite, merge the workers of all nations for a single joint work.

Long live the close fraternal alliance of the workers of the Ukrainian, Great Russian and all other nations of Russia!»

With the victory of the February Revolution of 1917, a qualitatively new socio-political situation arose in the country. In the conditions of bourgeois-democratic freedoms in Ukraine, as well as in other national outskirts of the former empire, the national liberation movement became much more active. The Ukrainian Central Rada was formed - a coordinating body created in early March 1917 by Ukrainian political parties and public organizations. I am glad at the beginning of its activity, putting forward the slogan of wide national-territorial autonomy of Ukraine within the democratic federal Russian republic.

Before the February Revolution, Lenin wrote: “ Marxists ... are hostile to federation and decentralization - for the simple reason that capitalism requires the largest and possibly more centralized states for its development. All other things being equal, the class-conscious proletariat will always defend a larger state ..., it will always welcome the closest possible economic cohesion of large territories, where the struggle of the proletariat with the bourgeoisie could develop widely ... As long as and since different nations constitute a single state, the Marxists will not in no case will they preach either the federal principle or decentralization».

With the fall of the autocracy and the rapid growth of national movements “united and indivisible,” that is, strictly centralized, Russia began, as they say, to burst at all seams.

In theory, Lenin was ready for such a development of events. Back in 1914, in his work "On the Right of Nations to Self-Determination," he noted: “... Once mass national movements have arisen, to dismiss them, to refuse to support the progressive in them means, in fact, to succumb to nationalist prejudices, namely: to recognize“ our ”nation as an“ exemplary nation ”(or, we add from ourselves, a nation possessing exclusive privilege for state building) ".

And in June 1917, in a speech at the First All-Russian Congress of Soviets, Lenin put forward a new slogan: “ Let Russia be a union of free republics"(PSS vol. 32, p. 286). However, even earlier, in a speech on the national issue at the VII (April) All-Russian Conference of the RSDLP (b), Lenin spoke in favor of preserving the multinational Russian state, but on a new basis - the principles of equality and fraternal union of all peoples, for providing them with statehood in the form of republics. " If there is a Ukrainian Republic and a Russian Republic, there will be more communication between them, more trust"- this is how Lenin explained his position.

After the October Revolution in Ukraine, the implementation of the course of the new Bolshevik government in the field of national relations proceeded in an acute political struggle, often with the use of armed force, which reflected the intransigence of the class interests of the bourgeoisie and the proletariat.

At first, the success was accompanied by the Central Rada. Taking advantage of the overthrow of the Provisional Government, the Rada, already on November 7 (20), 1917, proclaimed as its III Universal the formation of the Ukrainian People's Republic - a parliamentary-type state within Russia. At the same time, the Rada condemned the October Revolution, did not recognize the Council of People's Commissars as the central all-Russian government and waged a struggle against it.

Unfortunately, the falsifiers of history, ideologically biased publicists who seek to present the conflict between the Council of People's Commissars and the Central Rada as an unprovoked gross interference of Soviet Russia in the internal affairs of the sovereign UPR, which grew into armed aggression, have not been translated to this day. This allegedly decided the fate of the authorities in Ukraine in favor of the Bolsheviks. However, such an interpretation of the dramatic events of November 1917 - February 1918 does not stand up to criticism.

Firstly, the Rada did not announce, until January 11 (24), 1918 (IV Universal), about the withdrawal of the Ukrainian People's Republic from Russia. Moreover, both in Universal III and in subsequent documents, the Rada declared that it was fighting for the creation of a “homogeneous socialist” rule, in which the Bolsheviks would be assigned the role of a federal democratic republic in place of the former empire, devoid of the determining influence of a political force. And not only declared, but also took practical steps in this direction. Therefore, the conflict between the official Petrograd and Kiev can in no way be considered an interstate, Russian-Ukrainian conflict. It was a class, political conflict within Russia., similar to the conflicts of the Council of People's Commissars with the counter-revolutionary local authorities in other regions (Don, Ural, etc.).

Secondly, the Rada has never had real power over the entire territory of Ukraine. Already in the first days of the revolution, Soviet power was established in Lugansk, Makeevsky, Gorlovsky, Shcherbinovsky, Kramatorsky, Druzhkovsky and other regions of Donbass. In November - December 1917, as a result of the re-elections, the Bolsheviks were under the control of Kharkov, Yekaterinoslavsky (city and provincial), Yuzovsky, Vinnitsky, Zhitomirsky, Kamenets-Podolsky, Lutsky, Proskurovsky, Rovensky, Nikolaevsky, Odessa, Kherson and many other Workers' Soviets, soldiers 'and peasants' deputies. Bolshevik resolutions were adopted by regional, provincial, and district congresses of Soviets. As a result, a situation of dual power arose. This gave Lenin reason to write on December 11, 1917 that recent events in Ukraine indicate a new grouping of class forces going on in the process of the struggle between the bourgeois nationalism of the Ukrainian Rada, on the one hand, and the Soviet government, the proletarian-peasant revolution of this national republic, on the other. ... On December 30, Lenin made a more categorical conclusion: “... The revolutionary movement of the Ukrainian working classes for the complete transfer of power to the Soviets is assuming ever greater proportions and promises victory over the Ukrainian bourgeoisie in the near future».

The immediate reason for the aggravation of relations between the Central Radov UPR and Soviet Russia was the support of the Rada for the counter-revolutionary rebellion of the Kaledinites on the Don. On November 23, 1917, the Secretary General for Military Affairs of the UPR Petliura, in a conversation on a direct wire with the Supreme Commander of the Armed Forces of Soviet Russia Krylenko, said that the UPR government would not allow revolutionary units to the Don through Ukraine to fight the Kaledin counter-revolution, but would let Cossack units to help Kaledin. In response, Lenin and Trotsky gave Krylenko the instruction: “ We are for Soviet power in the independent Ukrainian Republic, but not for the counter-revolutionary Kaledin Rada. Deal with this firmly in all measures and steps."(P. 165).

Since the Central Rada remained in its former position, the Council of People's Commissars presented it on December 3, a 48-hour ultimatum, in case of which the Council of People's Commissars was not fulfilled " will consider the Rada in a state of open war against Soviet power in Russia and Ukraine". On December 19, the Council of People's Commissars stated, “ that any attempt to eliminate the war with the Rada, if the Rada recognized Kaledin's counterrevolutionary nature and did not interfere with the war against him, is undoubtedly desirable", And suggested to Rada to open business negotiations. And only when, through the fault of the Rada, which continued to support the Kaledinites, peace negotiations were disrupted, the Council of People's Commissars assigned the Central Rada " all responsibility for the continuation of the civil war».

Disagreements also arose between the leading workers of the Soviet Ukraine. The most serious of them was caused by the formation on the initiative and with the active participation of the secretary of the Donetsk-Krivoy Rog regional committee of the RSDLP (b) Artem (F.A. Sergeev) and members of this committee V.I. Mezhlauk, S.F. Vasilchenko, M.P. Zha-kov and Others of the Donetsk-Kryvyi Rih Soviet Republic (the territory of the present Kharkov, Dnepropetrovsk, Donetsk and Lugansk regions) with its separation from Ukraine. This state entity with its own Council of People's Commissars under the chairmanship of Artyom was proclaimed in Kharkov at the end of January 1918, despite the categorical objections of the Central Executive Committee of the Soviets and the People's Secretariat of Ukraine.

The Soviet government of Ukraine knew in advance, but could not overcome the separatist tendencies on its own and turned to V. I. Lenin for help. Back in January 1918, having received information about the intentions of Artyom and his supporters, Lenin pointed out to them the inadmissibility of the creation of the Donetsk-Kryvyi Rih Republic and its separation from Ukraine. On January 23, the head of the Council of People's Commissars signed a telegram “ Everyone, everyone, everyone ... ", in which it was emphasized that the upcoming II All-Ukrainian Congress of Soviets will be attended by delegates from all regions, including Donkrivbass. But the Donetsk-Kryvyi Rih Republic was nevertheless proclaimed. And then Lenin held personal conversations with Mezhlauk and Artem, during which he convinced them “ recognize the Donetsk Basin as an autonomous part of Ukraine". The head of the Council of People's Commissars also instructed the temporary extraordinary commissioner of Ukraine Ordzhonikidze to "explain all this" to the members of the Council of People's Commissars of the Donetsk-Kryvyi Rih Republic Vasilchenko and Zhakov, persistent in defending their erroneous position. On March 15, 1918, at its meeting with the participation of Lenin, the Central Committee of the RCP (b) spoke in favor of delegates from all over Ukraine, including from the Donetsk Basin, to the II All-Ukrainian Congress of Soviets, and one government for the whole of Ukraine was created at the congress. The Donetsk basin was recognized as part of Ukraine.

In the spring of 1918, the situation in Ukraine deteriorated sharply. The half-million army of Germany and Austria-Hungary, invited by the Central Rada, occupied almost the entire Right-Bank Ukraine. Soviet Russia, observing the difficult conditions of the Brest Peace Treaty imposed on it, was forced to recognize the independence of the Ukrainian People's Republic. In the same way, the Second All-Ukrainian Congress of Soviets (March 17-19, 1918, Yekaterinoslav) declared Soviet Ukraine an independent state.

But already in November 1918, when the RSFSR denounced, due to the defeat of Germany and its allies in the world war, the Brest Peace Treaty, it became possible to restore the federal connection of Soviet Ukraine with Soviet Russia. However, the highest authorities in both republics were in no hurry to rebuild.

A year later in " Letter to the workers and peasants of Ukraine on the victory over Denikin"Lenin explained this, proceeding from the experience of the civil war, by the fact that the capitalists managed for a while to play on the national distrust of non-Russian peoples towards the Great Russians," managed to sow discord between them and us on the basis of this mistrust. Experience has shown that this mistrust is getting rid of and passes only very slowly, and the more caution and patience the Great Russians, who have long been an oppressive nation, show, the more surely this mistrust passes. It is by the recognition of independence ... that we are slowly but steadily winning the trust of the most backward, all the most deceived and downtrodden by the capitalists, the working masses of neighboring small states. It is in this way that we most surely tear them away from the influence of "their" national capitalists, and most certainly lead them to complete confidence.».

It did not follow from this that Lenin rejected the idea, put forward by him in 1917, of transforming the former tsarist Russia into a union of republics, that is, a federation. " We want a voluntary union of nations, - noted in the "Letter to the workers and peasants of Ukraine ...", - such an alliance, which would be based on complete trust, on a clear consciousness of fraternal unity, on a completely voluntary agreement. Such an alliance cannot be accomplished immediately; it must be worked out with the greatest patience and caution, so as not to spoil the business, so as not to cause mistrust, in order to get rid of the mistrust left by centuries of oppression by landowners and capitalists, private property and enmity because of its divisions and redistributions ”.

Following the principle of "patience and caution," Lenin in May 1919 compiled " Draft directive of the Central Committee on military unity", According to which the RSFSR, the Ukrainian SSR and other republics, while remaining independent states, united" for the entire duration of the socialist defensive war... The military-political union of the Soviet republics played a decisive role in the victory over foreign invaders and the all-Russian and local counter-revolution. In the summer of 1920, the military-political union of the republics ensured the expulsion from the territory of Ukraine of the Polish army, which had committed aggression at the invitation of the "head otaman" of the UPR Petliura.

On December 3, at the VIII All-Russian Party Conference, reading out the resolution, Lenin declared: "The RCP stands for the point of view of recognizing the independence of the Ukrainian SSR," and at the same time reiterated the "need for a close alliance for all Soviet republics in their struggle against the formidable forces of world imperialism." As for the definition of the forms of union, this "will be finally decided by the Ukrainian workers and toiling peasants themselves." The discretion of Lenin and the Central Committee of the RCP (b) is understandable. At that time, in Ukrainian society, and even among the Bolsheviks, there were different opinions on the question of "whether to merge Ukraine with Russia, whether to leave Ukraine an independent and independent republic, and in the latter case, what kind of federal connection to establish between this republic and Russia" ... The conference by an overwhelming majority of votes adopted the resolution "State relations between Soviet Ukraine and Soviet Russia", aimed at establishing close federal ties between the Ukrainian SSR and the RSFSR. In May of the same year, the IV All-Ukrainian Congress of Soviets supported the position of the Bolsheviks, and in December the Chairman of the Council of People's Commissars of the RSFSR Lenin, the People's Commissar for Foreign Affairs of the RSFSR Chicherin and the Chairman of the Council of People's Commissars and the People's Commissar for Foreign Affairs of the Ukrainian SSR Rakovsky signed " Union workers 'and peasants' agreement between the RSFSR and the Ukrainian SSR"(In Russian and Ukrainian). The contracting parties, recognizing the independence and sovereignty of each other, entered into a military and economic alliance. The treaty lasted two years, life convinced of the need for a closer union.

In his greeting to the All-Ukrainian Congress of Soviets on December 10, 1922, Lenin writes: “... We recognize ourselves as equal in rights with the Ukrainian SSR and others, and together and on an equal footing with them enter a new union, a new federation,“ The Union of Soviet Republics of Europe and Asia».

Well, on December 30, 1922, by the unification of the RSFSR, the Ukrainian SSR, the BSSR and the ZSFSR, Russia was recreated by creating the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics.

Based on the materials presented in the collection " IN AND. Lenin on the Ukrainian question ", Kiev, 2010