Political strategists on the appointment of Komarov as plenipotentiary representative of the Volga Federal District: “Brilliant operation of Kiriyenko! Showdown in the Volga Federal District: Kiriyenko or Volodin – whose creature is in favor.
There is a new plenipotentiary representative in the Volga region - with serious patrons and without the right to generate ideas
Today it became known who will take the post of plenipotentiary representative of the President of Russia in the Volga region. The choice fell on the former head of Roscosmos, Igor Komarov. Political scientists speak of him as a professional with the right connections, but he is “not a politician in the pure sense of the word, which is even good.” How they evaluate and what they expect from the new plenipotentiary representative in the district - read more in the material of Realnoe Vremya.
Kiriyenko's brilliant operation
Vladimir Putin appointed a new plenipotentiary representative to the Volga Federal District - Deputy Minister of Science and Higher Education, ex-director of Roscosmos Igor Komarov. A 54-year-old native of the Saratov region, an economist by training, is familiar with the Volga District firsthand. Here he worked at AvtoVAZ from 2009 to 2013, first as executive vice president, then as president of the company. Afterwards he moved to the Federal Space Agency. Before his appointment to the embassy, he literally held the position of Deputy Minister of Science and Higher Education for two months.
The resignation of the former plenipotentiary, Mikhail Babich, became known at the end of August; his deputy, Igor Panshin, was left temporarily in this position. Various candidates, mainly from the security forces, were proposed to replace Babich, who received the post of Russian Ambassador to Belarus. The figures discussed were the head of the Russian Ministry of Internal Affairs Vladimir Kolokoltsev, senator from Udmurtia Lyubov Glebova, deputy chief of staff of the government Yevgeny Zabarchuk, former Minister of Agriculture Alexander Tkachev and even Vyacheslav Volodin. In this light, Komarov’s appointment came as a surprise to many:
The appointment of Komarov is a brilliant operation by Kiriyenko! - the author of the telegram channel, political observer Andrey Vovk comments to Realnoe Vremya.
The more I read, the more convinced I am of this, because everyone associated Kiriyenko with Glebova, that he was pushing her and pushing her with all his might to the post of plenipotentiary. But, as it turned out, this is not so, Glebova is the figure who took the whole blow, the criticism, and then suddenly Komarov appeared, whom they did not even have time to criticize. He is such a figure that nothing special was found against him. Therefore, at the right time, when the siloviki clan, different political groups could not agree and, apparently, were tired of going to the presidential administration and proposing their candidates, Sergei Vladilenovich, a brilliant politician, proposed Komarov. The latter is familiar with the region, with industry, is close to technocratic thinking, he has good relations with Nizhny Novgorod, Kazan, Saratov, Samara - let's appoint him? That's all. He arranged everything for everyone, I think it’s great,” sums up Andrey Vovk.
He, like other experts, talks about Komarov’s obvious connection with Rostec CEO Sergei Chemezov, “because he was his adviser, he worked at AvtoVAZ.
I can’t say that he directly works for Chemezov, of course, this is not so, Komarov is an independent figure himself. But Kiriyenko and Chemezov are people who are certainly in favor of this appointment. This is an excellent appointment for Nizhny Novgorod, because Nikitin (acting governor of the Nizhny Novgorod region Gleb Nikitin, - approx. edit.) and Komarov are people of the same kind. They understand science and industry, they have excellent federal connections, they will definitely find a common language. And Komarov is not a security official, and this is very important, because some of the regional elites are tense. It feels like everyone’s files and files are on everyone’s plate, even if you haven’t violated anything. And if a security officer had been appointed, this could have resulted in some conflicts in the future. Now, I think, the elites will come to agreements on the basis of business interests, on the basis of economic development,” Vovk expects.
On the plus side, he notes that Komarov is not a politician, judging by his biography, not an intriguer in the bad sense of the word, but a man of the political system. “Now the most important question is what kind of team he will have,” the expert believes.
Generating ideas is not part of the mandate
Board member of the Russian Association of Political Consultants Andrei Kolyadin confirms that Komarov is one of Chemezov’s closest and most trusted persons.
I think that now he has the opportunity to gain experience in political transformations, and not only political ones, because the plenipotentiary representative is a person who coordinates the activities of law enforcement agencies, who monitors the strict implementation of presidential decrees, a person who is responsible for coordinating persons - representative offices federal authorities in the territory. Plus, he must be the unspoken arbiter of all conflicts that one way or another arise in the process of financial, economic, and political activities in the territories of the entrusted district. Whether he can cope will be clear over time, but the fact that he has serious patrons who can help him is indisputable. He does not have the authority to make drastic changes; he has tasks that he must carry out. And the fact that he suddenly starts generating some ideas is not within the powers of the plenipotentiary representatives,” Kolyadin spoke about the priority tasks.
The Nezygar telegram channel wrote a few days ago before Komarov’s official appointment that three candidates were being considered for the plenipotentiary representative in the Volga Federal District, one of whom was Igor Komarov. “The security forces have collected a large dossier on Komarov. The list of accusations is long: from fraud and corruption to the sale of technology and secrets. Mosquitoes are absolutely untouchable; it was planned to assign him to the Samara and Voronezh regions - the appointments fell through. The presence of a dossier on a candidate is an important, but not decisive, factor. According to the source, a dossier was collected on Tsukanov and Tsivilev, which did not prevent them from receiving high positions. As Deputy Minister for Science, Komarov oversees all financial flows of the Ministry of Science, all government contracts and procedures. Komarov's appointment strengthens the position of Chemezov's group. The Volga Federal District is a region where defense enterprises are present. Komarov’s appointment will also make it possible to build contacts with Tatarstan and Bashkiria,” the telegram channel reported. The telegram channel refused to comment on the fact of Komarov’s official appointment.
Wide range of connections
The head of the “Political Expert Group” Konstantin Kalachev also primarily talks about working at AvtoVAZ and that Komarov has proven effective in all positions, including at Roscosmos.
This is an appointment that, without stretching the line, can be called the appointment of a technocrat, an effective administrator, a manager, taking into account his background; he is an economist by education; in fact, he has been involved in business and production and high technology all his life. We can say that for the Volga Federal District, an economist is the best option; this is a demonstration of the priorities of the federal center. “Do not break the regional elites over their knees, but help solve problems related to economic growth; its role is as a driver in the development of the Volga Federal District,” Konstantin Kalachev answered Realnoe Vremya.
Among the advantages, he notes a wide range of connections both in the government and in state corporations. “It seems to me that the appointment is very successful for the regions of the federal district. I am more than confident that he will easily find a common language with Minnikhanov, who is also tailored to the development agenda and is focused on this topic. A whole system of personnel decisions is already being built, for example, the appointment of Nikitin to Nizhny Novgorod and Komarov to the post of plenipotentiary representative - phenomena of the same order. The main thing that is expected from the Volga Federal District is economic growth, growth in incomes of the population,” Kalachev added.
The head of the Center for Regional Policy Development, Ilya Grashchenkov, characterizes Komarov as a candidate who for a long time did not receive the appointments that everyone predicted for him.
Komarov is a candidate who has not received predicted appointments for a long time. He was actively promoted to the position of governor of the Moscow region, to other regions, to the plenipotentiary mission of the Central Federal District. If we assume that Chemezov and Rostec are behind Komarov, then it is obvious that the position in the Volga Federal District is the president’s attempt to balance influence in a district where there are too many new appointees who are completely controlled by the Kremlin’s political management. Rostec has good relations with Tatarstan and extensive interests in Samara and Nizhny Novgorod. Thus, the appointment of Komarov is in the logic of the Kremlin, as for the tasks before him - there are a lot of them. First of all, control over young technocratic governors who have already faced a lot of difficulties. He will have to take control of such complex regions as Bashkiria and establish relations with Tatarstan. The function of the plenipotentiary mission is to represent the federal government in the regions, its interests, and the Volga region here is one of the most problematic territories, says Grashchenkov.
Yulia Kosolapkina
Instead of Mikhail Babich, who is supposed to become ambassador to Ukraine, Yevgeny Zabarchuk, a native of the special services, will most likely become the presidential envoy in the Volga region. Previously, the president made other security officials plenipotentiaries and governors
Evgeniy Zabarchuk (Photo: Alexey Nikolsky/RIA Novosti)
The new presidential plenipotentiary representative in the Volga Federal District will most likely be Deputy Chief of Staff of the Government, Yevgeny Zabarchuk, said two interlocutors close to the Kremlin. In this post, he will replace Mikhail Babich, who may become the new Russian ambassador to Ukraine. “I can’t say anything,” Zabarchuk told an RBC correspondent, answering a question about whether a transfer to the Volga Federal District was discussed with him. Presidential press secretary Dmitry Peskov told RBC that the Kremlin does not announce personnel changes.
In the government, Zabarchuk supervised mainly personnel issues, says RBC’s interlocutor in the White House. According to the list of responsibilities published on the government website, Zabarchuk was responsible for monitoring the instructions of the president and prime minister, preparing government meetings and conferences, interacting with the courts and the prosecutor’s office, working with personnel, and ensuring information security when working with official documents. He is considered a very good specialist, added RBC’s source in the government.
Zabarchuk comes from the special services. He graduated from the KGB Higher School and worked in the security agencies for 14 years, according to a biography published on the government website. Since the late 1990s, he worked for a long time with Yuri Chaika. At the Ministry of Justice, he worked his way up from assistant to deputy, and in 2006 he moved with him to the Prosecutor General’s Office. Since 2011, he became deputy chief of staff of the government.
Babich, who will be replaced by Zabarchuk, is also a security official. He graduated from the Ryazan Higher Military Command School of Communications and served in the Airborne Forces and KGB troops. Then he worked in the leadership of various regions, was a State Duma deputy, and more recently - presidential envoy. But in this position, he did not have a good relationship with some representatives of the elite, RBC sources close to the Kremlin previously told.
On Wednesday, the Duma Committee on International Affairs recommended appointing Babich as ambassador instead of Mikhail Zurabov, whom the president dismissed on Thursday. Moscow also agrees to the appointment necessary for the approval of the ambassador. Now everything will depend on the Ukrainian side, says a source close to the Kremlin. If the Ukrainians approve of Babich’s candidacy, Zabarchuk will replace him, he noted.
The Volga Federal District will become the sixth region where the President. On Thursday, the president replaced the plenipotentiary representatives in the Siberian Federal District (instead of a person from the Ministry of Internal Affairs, the place was taken by reserve vice admiral Sergei Menyailo), the North Caucasus District (plenipotentiary Sergei Melikov moved to the Russian Guard, and Oleg Belaventsev, close to Defense Minister Sergei Shoigu, was appointed in his place) , North-Western (a native of the KGB, Vladimir Bulavin, moved to the post of head of the Federal Customs Service; the governor of the Kaliningrad region, Nikolai Tsukanov, was appointed in his place), and also united the Crimean and Southern federal districts under the leadership of former Prosecutor General Vladimir Ustinov.
In addition, Putin made two people who served in his security service governors. Former Deputy Minister of Internal Affairs Dmitry Mironov, whom Kommersant called the president’s ex-adjutant, became governor of the Yaroslavl region. And, the former head of the Kaliningrad department of the FSB, Evgeny Zinichev, headed the Kaliningrad region.
The decree on the appointment was signed by President Vladimir Putin.
Vladimir Putin appointed Igor Komarov as the plenipotentiary representative of the President of the Russian Federation in the Volga Federal District. The Kremlin press service reports this.
Mikhail Babich, who previously held this post, became Russian Ambassador to Belarus.
It is known about Igor Komarov that he was previously the head of Roscosmos, and in early July he was appointed Deputy Minister of Science and Higher Education.
Igor Komarov was born on May 25, 1964 in the city of Engels, Saratov region, graduated from the Faculty of Economics of Moscow State University, worked as first vice-president of Inkombank, first vice-president of the National Reserve Bank, and deputy chairman of the board of Sberbank.
After working in the banking sector, he was deputy general director of Norilsk Nickel, advisor to the general director of Rostec, and president of AvtoVAZ.
Since October 2013, Igor Komarov has been the deputy head of Roscosmos, since March 2014 - General Director of the United Rocket and Space Corporation, since January 2015 - General Director of Roscosmos, since July 10, 2018 - Deputy Minister of Science and Higher Education.
Let us recall that the Volga Federal District was formed by decree of the President of the Russian Federation on May 13, 2000. The territory of the district makes up more than six percent of the country's territory. It includes 14 subjects of the Russian Federation - Samara region, Republic of Bashkortostan, Kirov region, Republic of Mari El, Republic of Mordovia, Nizhny Novgorod region, Orenburg region, Penza region, Perm region, Saratov region, Republic of Tatarstan, Udmurt Republic, Ulyanovsk region and Chuvash Republic .
In fact, he had the most fundamental conflict with people from neighboring offices in the entire territory entrusted to him.
However, Babich leaves his post later than all his political opponents in the Nizhny Novgorod region. Information that Babich would leave the post of plenipotentiary representative in the Volga Federal District began to appear at the end of 2016. First, Babich was recruited to join the law enforcement agencies, then to the post of head of the Federal Bailiff Service.
After Mikhail Zurabov was dismissed from the post of Russian Ambassador to Ukraine in 2016, the Russian State Duma Committee on Interstate Affairs supported Babich’s candidacy for this post. Moscow asked Kyiv for preliminary approval. In August, the Ukrainian Foreign Ministry refused approval. On December 4, 2017, during a traditional meeting with the leaders of the Volga region media, Babich commented on the fact of his non-appointment: “There was a very important order from the head of state in this regard. This means that the time has not come for me to carry out this task.” According to the plenipotentiary, not everyone was ready for his appointment as Russian Ambassador to Ukraine.
At the end of 2017, messages appeared in Telegram channels about the possible liquidation of the institution of plenipotentiary mission in Russia after the presidential elections. The meeting that took place on December 4 was called by Nizhny Novgorod journalist Andrei Vovk the last for Babich in the position of plenipotentiary. “Few people believe that after the presidential elections the embassies will remain in their current form. Because no one understands their functions. But even if they remain, new people must come there for new tasks,” Vovk wrote in his Telegram channel.
Other experts believed that Kremlin officials were against Babich. For example, the Telegram channel “APeshechka” reported that the first deputy head of the presidential administration of the Russian Federation, Sergei Kiriyenko (himself a former plenipotentiary representative in the Volga Federal District), Babich, wants another person to take the place of the plenipotentiary representative in the Volga Federal District. Also, according to the authors of the publication, Babich has enlisted the support of the head of the Russian Presidential Administration, Andrei Yarin, who allegedly helps him in finding a new job.
Then versions began to appear where Babich could go. On December 8, the Telegram channel “Kant’s Tomb” reported that Babich would take the place of plenipotentiary representative of the President of the Russian Federation in the Northwestern Federal District. On December 12, the NEZYGAR Telegram channel suggested that he would transfer to service in the Central Federal District. And on January 12, 2018, the Telegram channel “Provodnik” wrote that the governor of the Perm Territory, Maxim Reshetnikov, ordered his subordinates to limit as much as possible information to Babich about affairs in the region, since he will soon resign.
In May, Vedomosti reported on the possible appointment of Babich as first deputy head of the Russian presidential administration, in charge of the regions. However, this did not happen. Then, on June 26, Russian President Vladimir Putin signed a decree reassigning his authorized representatives in the districts. Babich was not on that list.
The next position that was predicted for Babich was the post of Russian Ambassador to Belarus. Initially, few people believed that the appointment would happen this time. Doubts began to dissipate when Russia agreed (preliminary consent) to the appointment from the head of Belarus Alexander Lukashenko. On July 20, the Russian State Duma Committee on CIS Affairs nominated his candidacy, and on July 23, the Federation Council Committee on International Affairs. However, then there was a lull. Telegram channels again doubted that the appointment would take place.
On August 22, Russian President Vladimir Putin met with the head of Belarus, Alexander Lukashenko. Everyone expected Babich's appointment the next day, but it took place on August 24. Today Putin issued decrees appointing Babich as Russian Ambassador to Belarus and Special Representative of the President of the Russian Federation for the development of trade and economic cooperation with the republic.
NewsNN talks about Babich’s conflicts in the post of presidential envoy to the Volga Federal District, which he held since December 15, 2011.
Thus, experts associated the resignations of governors in the Volga Federal District in 2017 with the activities of Babich. “The main responsibilities of a high-ranking official representing the presidential administration are precisely to ensure compliance with constitutionality and legality in the regions,” political scientist Evgeny Semenov told Realnoe Vremya. He also added that Babich “is quite closed, irrationality is alien to him, this is his strength and weakness at the same time.”
The confrontation between Babich and Valery Shantsev, who at that time headed the Nizhny Novgorod region, became known in the summer of 2013. Then information appeared in the local media that Shantsev had prepared a memo against Babich and personally handed it over to the President of the Russian Federation. In his opinion, the plenipotentiary created a non-working environment in the region.
At a meeting with the chief editors of the media in 2015, Babich expressed satisfaction that the government had changed in Nizhny Novgorod: Oleg Sorokin resigned as head of the city, Oleg Kondrashov - head of the administration. Babich called them “clingy” with “criminal overtones.” Then he said that Shantsev is “a very strong leader and manager.” And it was Shantsev, according to Babich, who helped Sorokin and Kondrashov leave the Nizhny Novgorod government.
However, in 2016, the confrontation between Babich and Shantsev escalated. At an annual meeting with journalists, Babich criticized the work of the head of the region. “There is a constant war here,” said the plenipotentiary. He added that the Nizhny Novgorod region is “one of the few, and perhaps the only region, where, despite the current leadership being in power for a long time, the situation does not stop or change. It's getting worse all the time."
“We no longer understand what power they [the governor and the regional government have, approx. NewsNN] is better. Vadim Bulavinov was the mayor of Nizhny Novgorod - I didn’t like him. They changed Bulavinov to Oleg Kondrashov. It turned out to be bad too. Although everyone said that this was the same manager who would save the city, who would clean it up. Nevertheless, Kondrashov also turned out to be the wrong manager, Oleg Sorokin turned out to be the wrong manager. Now Ivan Karnilin and Sergei Belov have arrived. It turns out that these are not the same managers either. I have been a plenipotentiary representative for five years now, and before me this continued for the same amount of time. And all the wrong managers, everything doesn’t work out, everyone dictates something, everyone divides something,” Babich said then.
This happened after in September 2016, deputies supporting Sorokin sent a letter to Babich with a complaint against Shantsev. Deputies said that the governor put pressure on them regarding the election of his protege Evgeny Lebedev as speaker of the regional parliament. The conflict ended with Lebedev becoming chairman of the Legislative Assembly, and some opponents also received high positions. In particular, Sorokin became one of Lebedev's deputies.
Shantsev at the same time said about Babich that he was a “man of war”, thirsty for power, “which he never had.” When deciding to change the governor in the Nizhny Novgorod region, the presidential office consulted with the plenipotentiary representative in the Volga Federal District. And, apparently, Babich did not give Shantsev the best description.
In October 2016, Babich said that he had also received an appeal that there were “elements of threats, some kind of blackmail, attempts to induce illegal decisions” during the vote to elect a member of the Federation Council to the ZSNO. Sorokin wanted to become him. After Babich’s consultations with deputies, Sorokin decided to stay in the region. “Here he will be able to most fully realize his potential and capabilities to fulfill the obligations that were taken before voters,” the plenipotentiary said then. The first meeting of the Legislative Assembly of the VI convocation did not take place due to the absence of 18 deputies supporting Sorokin. The embassy intervened to prevent “further discrediting of the authorities.”
When introducing the new head of the region on September 28, 2017, Babich set Nikitin the task of “closing the page in the Nizhny Novgorod region with some kind of confrontation between various political groups.”
Later, at a traditional meeting with media leaders, Babich said that thanks to the transition to a single-head system in Nizhny Novgorod, which took place at Nikitin’s suggestion, “the conflicts disappeared, a normal professional dialogue began.” Babich added that there are no regions left in the Volga Federal District with an unstable internal political situation.
Also during the meeting there was a topic of conflicts around Sorokin. According to Babich, they “occur, but are not related to Sorokin’s performance of professional duties.”
“How nice and calm it is in the Nizhny Novgorod region today. Let it remain that way. Let everyone stay in their field. Now in the Nizhny Novgorod region the atmosphere has changed and the owner of the region has changed. This is important,” the plenipotentiary emphasized then.
However, since November 2017, a number of high-profile incidents have occurred in the Nizhny Novgorod region: a “drunk” scandal by Vadim Bulavinov, who held the post of acting Secretary of the NRO "United Russia", the detention of the head of the NRO "A Just Russia" Alexander Bochkarev under house arrest, the arrest of Sorokin, the search for Kondrashov, the arrest of the Nizhny Novgorod Duma deputy Nikolai Inglikov and the ex-head of the construction department Yuri Shchegolev.
“In Nizhny Novgorod, Babich tried to build his own line. He had some confusion about who to support in the Shantsev-Sorokin conflict. And he did not immediately make up his mind; apparently, he was corrected by the Kremlin. And then they, together with Shantsev, began to act as a united front in the elections to the City Duma. From my point of view, Babich was not remembered by Nizhny Novgorod residents as something special,” political scientist, Doctor of Philosophy, Professor Sergei Kocherov told Pravda Volga Federal District.
According to political observer Valentina Buzmakova, Nikitin, who “had never been involved in politics before, but was in a secondary role, was supported by the embassy, which entered the political game”: “With the help of the security forces, Mikhail Babich took the levers of control into his own hands. The plenipotentiary managed to do what Shantsev never allowed him to do. And Babich uses the security forces to the fullest. This is evident from the situation with the former head of the administration Sergei Belov, who was forced to resign under judicial pressure, and from the situation with Alexander Bochkarev, who is under house arrest, and from the very dark story with Vadim Bulavinov,” the publication quotes Buzmakova as saying. Business district."
On January 30, it became known that Babich was on a list of 210 people presented by the US Treasury Department, whom Washington considered close to Russian President Vladimir Putin. The embassy did not comment on this information to the media.
On February 5, Russian State Duma deputy Denis Moskvin was appointed to the post of acting deputy. Secretary of the Nizhny Novgorod regional branch of United Russia. A few days later, the Telegram channel “Nizhny Novgorod Expert” reported that he could be agreed to the position before the end of February due to the fact that “Babich fears his own sudden departure, and therefore wants to consolidate his own people in the territory as quickly as possible.” Moskvin lost the prefix IP. February 19.
In Tatarstan, neighboring the Nizhny Novgorod region, Babich had no conflicts with local elites. In July 2017, Vladimir Putin, during a meeting of the Council on Interethnic Relations, stated that a person should not be forced to learn a language that is not his native one. This statement provoked unrest among parents of schoolchildren from Tatarstan. Some of them stated that their children are not required to learn the Tatar language. They began applying for waivers from teaching the national language. The Ministry of Education and Science of Tatarstan opposed the position of the federal authorities. Then the head of the Ministry of Education and Science of the republic, Engel Fattakhov, said that in Tatarstan there are two state languages that are mandatory to study.
In November 2017, Babich arrived in Kazan to resolve the language issue. During a conversation with journalists, the plenipotentiary said that the methodological recommendations of the Ministry of Education and Science of the Russian Federation provide for 2 hours for studying the Tatar language in schools. “In all republics, curricula have been changed. The number of hours of the Russian language has been brought to the established level recommended by the Ministry of Education, work has been organized or has already been completed with the parent community on choosing the native language,” he said.
After this, Ramil Garifullin, associate professor at the Institute of Psychology at KFU, wrote on the pages of the Ekho Moskvy publication that Babich’s wording was unclear. “Babich did not say a word about the compulsory study of the Tatar language, but spoke only about the possibility of this. Therefore, there is a high probability of a different interpretation and use of this vagueness of wording to continue the conflict,” he believes.
In December, Fattakhov resigned from the post of Minister of Education and Science of the republic. Babich commented on his resignation, saying that he did not see “anything critical” in the situation. According to the plenipotentiary, Fattakhov had questions “on language issues.”
In 2017, Babich declared the lowest income among all presidential envoys of the Russian Federation – 6.6 million rubles. He owns a ¼ share of an apartment with an area of 177.9 square meters. m.
Replaced Mikhail Babich as representative of the President of the Russian Federation in the Volga region Igor Panshin is considered by political scientists as a temporary figure.
After Mikhail Babich was officially approved as the Russian Ambassador to Belarus, intrigue remains around his former post. Babich's deputy Igor Panshin, who became acting The plenipotentiary representative, most likely, will not stay in this position for long. Now the website of the office of the presidential plenipotentiary representative in the Volga Federal District is frozen. After the release of the presidential decree on the new appointment of Mikhail Babich on August 24, the resource was no longer updated.
According to Kommersant, four candidates are vying for the post of presidential envoy in the Volga Federal District. This is a member of the Federation Council from Udmurtia Lyubov Glebova, Governor of the Ulyanovsk region Sergey Morozov, Deputy Chief of Staff of the Government of the Russian Federation Evgeniy Zabarchuk and former head of the Ministry of Agriculture of the Russian Federation Alexander Tkachev.
Senator Glebova is a native of the Nizhny Novgorod region, and is a Russian language teacher by profession. She began her political career in the late Soviet years with positions in the city committee of the Komsomol of Arzamas and Gorky.
In 1998 she became an adviser to the Prime Minister of the Russian Federation Sergei Kiriyenko, was a deputy of the State Duma of the Russian Federation of the third convocation in 1999-2001. Lyubov Glebova was included in the Federation Council twice - in 2012-2015 and in September 2017. In addition, from 2015 to 2017, she headed the Federal Agency for CIS Affairs and International Humanitarian Cooperation (Rossotrudnichestvo).
Sergei Morozov comes from the Ministry of Internal Affairs. He graduated from the All-Union Law Institute and began his career as a criminal investigation inspector. He worked in the Internal Affairs Directorate of the Ulyanovsk Region, retiring in 2000, and became a lawyer. Sergei Morozov's first government position was the mayor of Dimitrovgrad, he headed the city from 2000 to 2004, winning the elections. Morozov was elected governor in 2004 and has not yet left, his term of office has been extended several times.
Yevgeny Zabarchuk was tipped to replace Mikhail Babich back in 2016, when the presidential envoy could become ambassador to Ukraine. But then Kyiv did not accept his candidacy. Zabarchuk is a graduate of the KGB Higher School and has 14 years of experience in security agencies. Since the late 90s, the candidate for plenipotentiary representative has worked together with the current Prosecutor General of the Russian Federation Yuri Chaika. He became deputy chief of staff of the government in 2011.
Alexander Tkachev began his career in politics in 1994 with his election as a deputy of the Legislative Assembly of Kuban, later he was elected twice to the State Duma, and headed Kuban for three terms as governor from 2004 to 2012. In April 2015, Tkachev headed the Ministry of Agriculture of the Russian Federation and remained in this position until the last presidential elections. After the resignation of the Cabinet of Ministers in May 2018, Alexander Tkachev did not join the new government and returned to commercial structures - he joined the board of directors JSC Firm Agrocomplex named after. N.I. Tkachev"(the company bears the name of the father of the former minister), which he headed back in the 90s.
Help "BV". Colonel General of the Internal Service Igor Panshin is a former employee of the Ministry of Emergency Situations, his career developed in the fire department. During his years of service, he was awarded medals of the Order of Merit for the Fatherland, 1st and 2nd degree, the Order of Courage and a personalized weapon. He became Mikhail Babich’s deputy in March 2017 from the post of head of the Volga regional center of the Ministry of Emergency Situations of the Russian Federation, when this department was abolished. In his new post, Igor Panshin oversaw the work on eliminating chemical weapons. It is known that as the head of the Volga regional center, Panshin received a severe reprimand from the management with a warning about incomplete official compliance. The cause of the conflict is said to be insufficient funding for the center. In February 2017, Igor Panshin, through the court, achieved the removal of all imposed penalties.
