All the leaders of the USSR. Who was the president of the USSR and the Russian Federation

Image caption The royal family hid the illness of the heir to the throne

The controversy over the state of health of President Vladimir Putin brings to mind the Russian tradition: the first person was viewed as an earthly deity, which was not supposed to be remembered in vain and disrespectfully.

With practically unlimited power for life, the rulers of Russia were sick and dying like mere mortals. It is said that in the 1950s, one of the liberal-minded young "stadium poets" once said: "They have no control over heart attacks!"

Discussion of the personal lives of leaders, including their physical condition, was prohibited. Russia is not America, where data on analyzes of presidents and presidential candidates and their blood pressure figures are published.

Tsarevich Alexei Nikolaevich, as you know, suffered from congenital hemophilia - a hereditary disease in which blood does not clot normally, and any injury can lead to death from internal hemorrhage.

The only person capable of improving his condition in some way still incomprehensible to science was Grigory Rasputin, who, in a modern way, was a strong psychic.

Nicholas II and his wife categorically did not want to make public the fact that their only son was actually disabled. Even the ministers knew only in general terms that the Tsarevich had health problems. Ordinary people, seeing the heir during rare public appearances in the arms of a hefty sailor, considered him a victim of an assassination attempt by terrorists.

Whether Aleksey Nikolaevich could later lead the country, or not, is unknown. His life was cut short by a KGB bullet at the age of 14.

Vladimir Lenin

The founder of the Soviet state died unusually early, at the age of 54, from progressive atherosclerosis. An autopsy showed an incompatible with life damage to the vessels of the brain. It was rumored that the development of the disease was triggered by untreated syphilis, but there is no evidence of this.

The first stroke, resulting in partial paralysis and loss of speech, happened to Lenin on May 26, 1922. After that, he spent more than a year and a half at his dacha in Gorki in a helpless state, interrupted by short remissions.

Lenin is the only Soviet leader whose physical condition was never made a secret. Medical bulletins were published regularly. At the same time, until the last days, the comrades-in-arms assured that the leader would recover. Joseph Stalin, who visited Lenin in Gorki more often than other members of the leadership, posted optimistic reports in Pravda about how he and Ilyich cheerfully joked about doctors-reinsurers.

Joseph Stalin

In recent years, the "leader of the peoples" suffered from severe damage to the cardiovascular system, probably aggravated by an unhealthy lifestyle: he worked a lot, while turning the night into day, ate fatty and spicy foods, smoked and drank, but did not like to be examined and treated.

According to some reports, the "doctors' case" began with the fact that the professor-cardiologist Kogan advised a high-ranking patient to rest more. The suspicious dictator saw in this someone's attempt to remove him from affairs.

Having started the "doctors' case", Stalin was left without qualified medical assistance at all. Even the closest people could not talk to him on this topic, and he intimidated the service staff so much that after a stroke that happened on March 1, 1953 at the Blizhnyaya dacha, he lay on the floor for several hours, since he had previously forbidden the guards to disturb him without being summoned.

Even after Stalin turned 70, public discussion of his health and predictions of what would become of the country after his departure were absolutely impossible in the USSR. The idea that we would someday be left "without him" was considered blasphemous.

For the first time, the people were informed about Stalin's illness the day before his death, when he had long been unconscious.

Leonid Brezhnev

Leonid Brezhnev in recent years, as the people joked, "ruled without regaining consciousness." The very possibility of such jokes confirmed that after Stalin the country had changed a lot.

The 75-year-old secretary general had enough old age diseases. Mentioned, in particular, sluggish leukemia. However, it is difficult to say from what, in fact, he died.

Doctors talked about a general weakening of the body caused by the abuse of sedatives and sleeping pills and caused memory lapses, loss of coordination and speech disorder.

In 1979, Brezhnev lost consciousness during a Politburo meeting.

"You know, Mikhail," Yuri Andropov said to Mikhail Gorbachev, who had just been transferred to Moscow and was not used to such scenes, "everything must be done to support Leonid Ilyich in this position. It's a question of stability."

Brezhnev was politically killed by television. In the old days, his condition could be hidden, but in the 1970s it was impossible to avoid regular appearances on the screen, including live broadcasts.

The apparent inadequacy of the leader, combined with a complete lack of official information, caused an extremely negative reaction from society. Instead of pity for the sick person, the people responded with jokes and anecdotes.

Yuri Andropov

Yuri Andropov most of his life suffered from severe kidney damage, from which, in the end, he died.

The disease caused an increase in blood pressure. In the mid-1960s, Andropov was intensively treated for hypertension, this did not give results, there was a question about his retirement due to disability.

The Kremlin doctor Yevgeny Chazov made a dizzying career thanks to the fact that he gave the head of the KGB the correct diagnosis and gave him about 15 years of active life.

In June 1982, at a plenary meeting of the Central Committee, when the speaker called from the rostrum to "give a party assessment" to the spread of rumors, Andropov unexpectedly intervened and said in a harsh tone that he was "warning for the last time" those who talk too much in conversations with foreigners. According to the researchers, he meant, first of all, leaks of information about his health.

In September, Andropov went on vacation to the Crimea, where he caught a cold and never got out of bed again. In the Kremlin hospital, he was regularly given hemodialysis - a procedure for purifying blood using equipment that replaces the normal functioning of the kidneys.

Unlike Brezhnev, who once fell asleep and did not wake up, Andropov died long and painfully.

Konstantin Chernenko

After Andropov's death, the need to give the country a young dynamic leader was obvious to everyone. But the old members of the Politburo nominated 72-year-old Konstantin Chernenko, who was formally the No. 2 man, as general secretaries.

As the former Minister of Health of the USSR Boris Petrovsky later recalled, they all thought exclusively about how to die in their posts, they had no time for the country, and even more so, not for reforms.

Chernenko had long been ill with emphysema, heading the state, almost did not work, rarely appeared in public, spoke, gasping for breath and swallowing words.

In August 1983, he suffered severe poisoning, eating fish on vacation in the Crimea, caught and smoked with his own hand by his neighbor in the country, the Minister of Internal Affairs of the USSR, Vitaly Fedorchuk. Many were treated to a gift, but nothing bad happened to anyone else.

Konstantin Chernenko died on March 10, 1985. Three days earlier, elections to the Supreme Soviet were held in the USSR. The television showed the general secretary, who unsteadily walked to the ballot box, dropped the ballot into it, waved his hand languidly and said indistinctly: "Good."

Boris Yeltsin

Boris Yeltsin suffered from severe heart disease and reportedly suffered five heart attacks.

The first president of Russia has always been proud of the fact that nothing takes him, went in for sports, swam in ice water and in many respects built his image on this, and he used to endure ailments on his feet.

Yeltsin's health deteriorated sharply in the summer of 1995, but elections were ahead, and he refused extensive treatment, although doctors warned of "irreparable harm to health." According to journalist Alexander Khinshtein, he said: "After the elections, at least cut it, but now leave me alone."

On June 26, 1996, a week before the second round of elections, Yeltsin suffered a heart attack in Kaliningrad, which was hidden with great difficulty.

On August 15, immediately after taking office, the president went to the clinic, where he underwent coronary artery bypass grafting. This time, he conscientiously followed all the instructions of the doctors.

In conditions of freedom of speech, it was difficult to hide the truth about the state of health of the head of state, but the entourage tried as best it could. It was admitted, in extreme cases, that he had ischemia and temporary colds. Press secretary Sergei Yastrzhembsky said that the president rarely appears in public, because he is extremely busy working with documents, but he has an iron handshake.

Separately, mention should be made of the issue of Boris Yeltsin's relationship with alcohol. Political opponents constantly exaggerated this topic. One of the main slogans of the communists during the 1996 campaign sounded: "We will choose Zyuganov instead of Drunk Yel!"

Meanwhile, Yeltsin appeared in public "under the fly" only once - during the famous orchestra conducting in Berlin.

Former head of the presidential security, Alexander Korzhakov, who had no reason to shield the former chief, wrote in his memoirs that in September 1994, in Shannon, Yeltsin did not leave the plane to meet with the Prime Minister of Ireland, not because of intoxication, but because of a heart attack. After a quick consultation, the advisers decided that let people believe the "alcoholic" version rather than admit that the leader was seriously ill.

The resignation, the regime and the rest had a beneficial effect on the health of Boris Yeltsin. He lived in retirement for almost eight years, although in 1999, according to doctors, he was in serious condition.

Should I hide the truth?

According to experts, illness for a statesman, of course, is not a plus, but in the era of the Internet it is pointless to hide the truth, and with skillful PR you can even extract political dividends from it.

As an example, analysts point to Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez, who made good publicity out of his fight against cancer. Supporters got a reason to be proud that their idol does not burn in the fire and even in the face of illness thinks about the country, and rallied around him even stronger.

The death of Stalin on March 5, 1953 contributed to the beginning of the struggle for power within the CPSU party. This struggle continued until 1958.

Power Struggle After Stalin at the initial stage, it was conducted between Melenkov and Beria. Both of them argued that the functions of power should be transferred from the hands of the CPSU to the state. The struggle for power after Stalin between these two people was fought only until June 1953, but it was during this short historical period that the first wave of criticism of the Stalin personality cult fell. For the members of the CPSU, the coming to power of Beria or Malenkov meant a weakening of the role of the party in governing the country, since this point was actively promoted, both by Beria and Malenkov. It is for this reason that Khrushchev, who at that time headed the Central Committee of the CPSU, began to look for ways to remove from power, first of all, Beria, who he saw as the most dangerous enemy. Members of the CPSU Central Committee supported Khrushchev in this decision. As a result, on June 26, Beria was arrested. It happened at a regular meeting of the Council of Ministers. Soon Beria was declared an enemy of the people and an enemy of the Communist Party. The inevitable punishment followed - execution.

The struggle for power after Stalin continued at the second stage (summer 1953 - February 1955). Khrushchev, who removed Beria from his path, now became Malenkov's main political rival. In September 1953, the Congress of the Central Committee of the CPSU approved Khrushchev as general secretary of the party. The problem was that Khrushchev did not hold any government positions. At this stage of the struggle for power, Khrushchev secured himself the support of the majority in the party. As a result, Khrushchev's position in the country became noticeably stronger, while Malenkov lost ground. This was largely due to the events of December 1954. At this time, Khrushchev organized a trial against the leaders of the MGB, who were accused of forging documents in the "Leningrad case". Malenkov was heavily compromised as a result of this process. As a result of this process, Bulganin removed Malenkov from his post (head of government).

The third stage, which was carried out post-Stalin power struggle, began in February 1955 and continued until March 1958. At this stage, Malenkov merged with Molotov and Kaganovich. The united "opposition" decided to take advantage of the fact that they had a majority in the party. At the next congress, which took place in the summer of 1957, the post of the first party secretary was eliminated. Khrushchev was appointed Minister of Agriculture. As a result, Khrushchev demanded the convening of a Plenum of the Central Committee of the CPSU, since it agrees with the party charter, only this body could make such decisions. Khrushchev, taking advantage of the fact that he was the secretary of the party, personally selected the composition of the Plenum. The overwhelming majority of people who supported Khrushchev turned out to be there. As a result, Molotov, Kaganovich and Malenkov were dismissed. This decision was made by the Plenum of the Central Committee, arguing that all three were anti-party activities.

The power struggle after Stalin was actually won by Khrushchev. The party secretary understood how important the post of chairman of the council of ministers is in the state. Khrushchev did everything to take this post, since Bulganin, who held this post, openly supported Malenkov in 1957. In March 1958, the formation of a new government began in the USSR. As a result, Khrushchev achieved his appointment as chairman of the council of ministers. At the same time, he retained the post of first secretary of the CPSU Central Committee. In fact, this meant a victory for Khrushchev. The power struggle after Stalin was over.

Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR Joseph Stalin died on March 5 at 21:50. From 6 to 9 March, the country was plunged into mourning. The coffin with the body of the leader was exhibited in Moscow in the Column Hall of the House of Unions. The mourning events were attended by about one and a half million people.

To maintain public order, troops were sent to the capital. However, the authorities did not expect such an incredible influx of people who wanted to see Stalin on his last journey. The victims of the stampede on the day of the funeral, March 9, according to various sources, were from 300 to 3 thousand people.

“Stalin went down in Russian history as a symbol of greatness. The main achievements of the Stalinist era were industrialization, victory in the Great Patriotic War and the creation of a nuclear bomb. The foundation that the leader left allowed the country to reach nuclear parity with the United States and launch rockets into space, "Dmitry Zhuravlev, doctor of historical sciences, political scientist, said in an interview with RT.

At the same time, according to the expert, the Soviet people paid an enormous price for the great accomplishments of the Stalinist era (1924-1953). The most negative phenomena, according to Zhuravlev, were collectivization, political repression, labor camps (the GULAG system) and gross neglect of basic human needs.

The riddle of the death of the leader

Stalin was characterized by a pathological distrust of doctors and neglected their recommendations. A serious degradation of the leader's health began in 1948. The last public speech of the Soviet leader took place on October 14, 1952, at which he summed up the results of the XIX Congress of the CPSU.

• Joseph Stalin speaks at the closing session of the 19th Congress of the CPSU
• RIA News

The last years of his life, Stalin spent a lot of time at the "nearby dacha" in Kuntsevo. On March 1, 1953, state security officers found the leader in a motionless state. They informed Lavrenty Beria, Georgy Malenkov and Nikita Khrushchev about this.

Stalin received no prompt medical assistance. Doctors came to examine him only on March 2. What happened in the first days of March at the "near dacha" is a mystery for historians. The question of whether it was possible to save the life of the leader still remains unanswered.

Nikita Khrushchev's son is sure that Stalin became "a victim of his own system." His entourage and doctors were afraid to do anything, although it was obvious that the leader was in critical condition. According to official information, Stalin was diagnosed with a stroke. The illness was not announced, but on March 4, the party elite, apparently anticipating the imminent death of the leader, decided to break the silence.

• The queue of those wishing to say goodbye to Joseph Stalin at the House of Unions, Moscow
• RIA News

“On the night of March 2, 1953, I.V. Stalin suffered a sudden cerebral hemorrhage, which seized vital areas of the brain, resulting in paralysis of the right leg and right arm with loss of consciousness and speech, "- said in an article in the newspaper" Pravda ".

"The likeness of a palace coup"

Retired KGB colonel, counterintelligence officer Igor Prelin believes that the leader's entourage understood the inevitability of his imminent death and was not interested in Stalin's recovery.

“These people were interested in him (Stalin. - RT) rather left, for two reasons. They feared for their position and well-being that he would remove them, remove them and repress them. And second, of course, they themselves were eager for power. They understood that Stalin's days were numbered. It was clear that this was the final, ”Prelin said in an interview.

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The main contenders for the role of the leader of the Soviet state were the former head of the NKVD Lavrenty Beria, Deputy Chairman of the Council of Ministers Georgy Malenkov, First Secretary of the Moscow Regional Committee Nikita Khrushchev and member of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the CPSU Marshal Nikolai Bulganin.

During the period of Stalin's illness, the party elite redistributed the highest government posts. It was decided that Malenkov would take the post of chairman of the Council of Ministers, which belonged to the leader, Khrushchev would become the first secretary of the CPSU Central Committee (the highest position in the party hierarchy), Beria would receive the portfolio of the Minister of Internal Affairs, and Bulganin - the Minister of Defense.

The reluctance of Beria, Malenkov, Khrushchev and Bulganin to save the life of the leader in all possible ways and the redistribution of state posts gave rise to a widespread version of the existence of an anti-Stalinist conspiracy. The conspiracy against the leader was objectively beneficial to the party elite, Zhuravlev believes.

• Joseph Stalin, Nikita Khrushchev, Lavrenty Beria, Matvey Shkiryatov (in the first row from right to left), Georgy Malenkov and Andrei Zhdanov (in the second row from right to left)
• RIA News

“Hypothetically, some kind of a palace coup was possible, since open opposition to the leader was completely ruled out. Nevertheless, the theory of conspiracy and Stalin's violent death did not receive concrete evidence. Any versions on this score are private opinions, not based on documentary evidence, "Zhuravlev stated in an interview with RT.

The collapse of the main challenger

The post-Stalinist regime in 1953-1954 is often referred to as "collegial management." Powers in the state were distributed among several party bosses. However, historians agree that a fierce struggle for absolute leadership was hidden under the beautiful screen of “collegial management”.

Malenkov, being the curator of the most important defense projects of the USSR, had close ties with the country's military elite (Marshal Georgy Zhukov is considered one of Malenkov's supporters). Beria wielded tremendous influence over the security organs - key institutions of power in the Stalinist era. Khrushchev enjoyed the sympathy of the party apparatus and was perceived as a compromise figure. Bulganin had the weakest positions.

At the funeral, Beria (left) and Malenkov (right) were the first to carry the coffin with the leader from the House of Trade Unions. On the platform of the mausoleum where Stalin was buried (in 1961 the leader was reburied at the Kremlin wall), Beria stood in the center, between Malenkov and Khrushchev. This symbolized his dominant position at the time.

Beria united the Ministry of Internal Affairs and the Ministry of State Security under his authority. On March 19, he replaced almost all the heads of the Ministry of Internal Affairs in the union republics and regions of the RSFSR.

However, Beria did not abuse his power. It is noteworthy that his political program coincided with the democratic initiatives expressed by Malenkov and Khrushchev. Oddly enough, but it was Lavrenty Pavlovich who began the review of the criminal cases of those citizens who were accused of anti-Soviet conspiracies.

On March 27, 1953, the Minister of Internal Affairs signed a decree “On Amnesty”. The document allowed the release of citizens convicted of official and economic crimes from places of detention. In total, more than 1.3 million people were released from prisons, criminal proceedings were terminated against 401 thousand citizens.

Despite these steps, Beria was strongly associated with the repressions that were carried out during the Stalinist era. On June 26, 1953, the head of the Ministry of Internal Affairs was summoned to a meeting of the Council of Ministers and detained, accused of espionage, falsification of criminal cases and abuse of power.

His closest associates were caught in sabotage activities. On December 24, 1953, the Special Judicial Presence of the Supreme Court of the USSR sentenced Beria and his supporters to death. The ex-minister of internal affairs was shot in the bunker of the headquarters of the Moscow military district. After the death of the main contender for power, about ten functionaries who were part of the "Beria gang" were arrested and convicted.

Khrushchev's triumph

The elimination of Beria became possible thanks to the alliance of Malenkov and Khrushchev. In 1954, a struggle broke out between the head of the Council of Ministers and the first secretary of the CPSU Central Committee.

• Georgy Malenkov
• RIA News

Malenkov advocated the elimination of the excesses of the Stalinist system both in politics and in the economy. He called for leaving the cult of the leader's personality in the past, improving the position of collective farmers and focusing on the production of consumer goods.

Malenkov's fatal mistake was his indifference to the party and state apparatus. The chairman of the Council of Ministers reduced the salaries of officials and repeatedly accused the bureaucracy of "complete neglect of the needs of the people."

“The main problem of Stalinism for the leaders of the CPSU was that anyone could fall under the roller of repression. The party apparatus is tired of this unpredictability. He needed guarantees of a stable existence. This is exactly what Nikita Khrushchev promised. In my opinion, this approach was the key to his victory, ”Zhuravlev said.

In January 1955, the head of the USSR government was criticized by Khrushchev and his party comrades for failures in economic policy. On February 8, 1955, Malenkov left the post of head of the Council of Ministers and received the portfolio of the Minister of Power Plants, retaining his membership in the Presidium of the Central Committee of the CPSU. Malenkov's post was taken by Nikolai Bulganin, and Georgy Zhukov became the Minister of Defense.

This attitude towards a political rival was intended to underline the beginning of a new era, where a sparing attitude towards the Soviet nomenclature reigns. Nikita Khrushchev became her symbol.

"Hostage of the system"

In 1956, at the XX Congress of the CPSU, Khrushchev delivered his famous speech about the debunking of the personality cult. The period of his reign is called the thaw. From the mid-1950s to the early 1960s, hundreds of thousands of political prisoners were freed, and the labor camp system (GULAG) was completely dismantled.

• Joseph Stalin and Nikita Khrushchev greet the participants of the May Day demonstration on the podium of the Mausoleum of V.I. Lenin
• RIA News

“Khrushchev was able to become his own for the apparatus. Debunking Stalinism, he said that the leaders of the Bolshevik Party should not have fallen under repression. However, in the end, Khrushchev became a hostage to the control system he himself created, ”Zhuravlev stated.

As the expert explained, Khrushchev was too harsh in his communication with his subordinates. He traveled a lot around the country and in personal meetings with the first secretaries of the regional committees subjected them to the most severe criticism, making, in fact, the same mistakes as Malenkov. In October 1964, the party nomenklatura removed Khrushchev from the post of first secretary of the CPSU Central Committee and chairman of the Council of Ministers.

“Khrushchev took competent steps to become the leader of the USSR for a while. However, he did not intend to radically change the Stalinist system. Nikita Sergeevich limited himself to correcting the most obvious shortcomings of his predecessor, "Zhuravlev noted.

• First Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee Nikita Khrushchev
• RIA News

According to the expert, the key problem of the Stalinist system was the demand for constant labor and military deeds from the Soviet person. Most of the projects of Stalin and Khrushchev were in favor of the USSR, but catastrophically little attention was paid to the personal needs of citizens.

“Yes, under Khrushchev, the elite and society breathed more freely. However, man was still a means of achieving grandiose goals. People are tired of endlessly chasing records, they are tired of calls for self-sacrifice and the expectation of the coming of the communist paradise. This problem was one of the key reasons for the subsequent collapse of Soviet statehood, ”summed up Zhuravlev.

22 years ago, on December 26, 1991, the Supreme Soviet of the USSR adopted a declaration on the termination of the existence of the Soviet Union, and the country in which most of us were born is gone. Over the 69 years of the existence of the USSR, seven people have become its head, which I propose to recall today. And not only to remember, but also to choose the most popular one.
And since the New Year is coming soon after all, and given the fact that in the Soviet Union the popularity and attitude of the people to their leaders was measured, among other things, by the quality of the jokes about them, I think it would be appropriate to recall the Soviet leaders through the prism of jokes about them.

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Now we have almost forgotten what a political anecdote is - most of the anecdotes about current politicians are paraphrased anecdotes from the Soviet era. Although there are also witty original ones, for example, here is an anecdote from the times when Yulia Tymoshenko was in power: There is a knock in Tymoshenko's office, the door opens, a giraffe, a hippopotamus and a hamster enter the office and ask: "Yulia Vladimirovna, how would you comment on the rumors that you use drugs?".
In Ukraine, the situation with humor about politicians is generally somewhat different than in Russia. In Kiev, they believe that it is bad for politicians, if they are not laughed at, then they are not interesting to the people. And since they still elect in Ukraine, the PR services of politicians even order laughter at their bosses. It is no secret, for example, that the most popular Ukrainian "95th quarter" takes money to ridicule the person who paid. The fashion of Ukrainian politicians is like that.
Yes, they themselves sometimes do not mind playing a trick on themselves. There was once a very popular anecdote about yourself among Ukrainian deputies: The session of the Verkhovna Rada is coming to an end, one deputy says to another: “It was such a difficult session, we need to rest. Let's go out of town, take a few bottles of whiskey, remove the sauna, take the girls, have sex ... ”. He replies: “How? With the girls? !! ​​".

But back to the Soviet leaders.

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The first ruler of the Soviet state was Vladimir Ilyich Lenin. For a long time, the image of the leader of the proletariat was out of reach for jokes, but during the Khrushchev and Brezhnev times in the USSR, the number of Leninist motives in Soviet propaganda increased sharply.
And the endless glorification of Lenin's personality (as it usually happened in the Soviet Union in almost everything), led to the exact opposite desired result - to the emergence of many anecdotes ridiculing Lenin. There were so many of them that there were even jokes about jokes about Lenin.

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In honor of the centenary of Lenin's birth, a competition has been announced for the best political anecdote about Lenin.
3rd Prize - 5 years for Lenin places.
2nd Prize - 10 years of strict regime.
1st prize - meeting with the hero of the day.

This is largely due to the tough policy pursued by Lenin's successor Joseph Vissarionovich Stalin, who in 1922 took over as General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee. Jokes about Stalin also took place, and they remained not only in the materials of the criminal cases initiated against them, but also in the people's memory.
Moreover, in the jokes about Stalin one can feel not only a subconscious fear of the "father of all peoples", but also respect for him, and even pride in his leader. Some kind of mixed attitude towards power, which, apparently at the genetic level, was passed on in us from generation to generation.

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- Comrade Stalin, what should we do with Sinyavsky?
- Which one is this Synavsky? A football camper?
- No, Comrade Stalin, a writer.
- Why do we need two Synavskys?

On September 13, 1953, shortly after Stalin's death (March 1953), Nikita Sergeevich Khrushchev became the first secretary of the CPSU Central Committee. Since Khrushchev's personality was full of deep contradictions, they were reflected in anecdotes about him: from undisguised irony, and even contempt for the head of state, to a rather benevolent attitude towards Nikita Sergeevich himself and his peasant humor.

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The pioneer asked Khrushchev:
- Uncle, was it true that dad said that you launched not only a satellite, but also agriculture?
“Tell your dad that I'm not only planting corn.

On October 14, 1964, as the first secretary of the CPSU Central Committee, Khrushchev was replaced by Leonid Ilyich Brezhnev, who, as you know, was not averse to listening to jokes about himself - their source was Brezhnev's personal hairdresser Tolik.
In a sense, the country was lucky then, because as soon as everyone became convinced, the country came to power, a kind, not cruel, and not making any special moral requirements either to himself, or to his comrades-in-arms, or to the Soviet people. And the Soviet people answered Brezhnev with the same anecdotes about him - kind and not cruel.

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At a meeting of the Politburo, Leonid Ilyich pulled out a piece of paper and said:
- I want to make a statement!
Everyone stared at the piece of paper.
- Tovaryshshi, - Leonid Ilyich began to read, - I want to raise the issue of senile sclerosis. This has gone too far. Vishera at the funeral of comrade Kosygin ...
Leonid Ilyich looked up from the piece of paper.
“I don’t see him here.… So, when the music started playing, I was the only one who guessed to invite the lady to dance! ..

On November 12, 1982, Brezhnev's place was taken by Yuri Vladimirovich Andropov, who previously headed the State Security Committee, and adhered to a tough conservative position on fundamental issues.
The course proclaimed by Antropov was aimed at socio-economic transformations by administrative measures. The toughness of some of them seemed unusual to the Soviet people in the 1980s, and they answered with appropriate anecdotes.

On February 13, 1984, the post of head of the Soviet state was taken by Konstantin Ustinovich Chernenko, who was considered a contender for the post of general secretary even after Brezhnev's death.
He was elected as a transitional intermediate figure in the Central Committee of the CPSU, while there was a struggle for power between several party groupings. Chernenko spent a significant part of his reign in the Central Clinical Hospital.

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The Politburo decided:
1. To appoint Chernenko K.U. General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee.
2. Bury him in Red Square.

On March 10, 1985, Chernenko was replaced by Mikhail Sergeevich Gorbachev, who carried out numerous reforms and campaigns that ultimately led to the collapse of the USSR.
And the Soviet political jokes on Gorbachev, accordingly, are over.

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- What is the peak of pluralism?
- This is when the opinion of the President of the USSR absolutely does not coincide with the opinion of the General Secretary of the Central Committee of the CPSU.

Well, now the poll.

Which of the leaders of the Soviet Union, in your opinion, was the best ruler of the USSR?

Vladimir Ilyich Lenin

23 (6.4 % )

Joseph Vissarionovich Stalin

114 (31.8 % )

With the death of Stalin - "the father of nations" and "the architect of communism" - in 1953, the struggle for power began, because the one he established assumed that the same autocratic leader would be at the helm of the USSR, who would take the reins of government into his own hands.

The only difference was that the main contenders for power all as one advocated the abolition of this very cult and the liberalization of the country's political course.

Who ruled after Stalin?

A serious struggle unfolded between the three main contenders, who were originally a triumvirate - Georgy Malenkov (chairman of the USSR Council of Ministers), Lavrenty Beria (minister of the united Ministry of Internal Affairs) and Nikita Khrushchev (secretary of the CPSU Central Committee). Each of them wanted to take a seat, but victory could only go to the candidate whose candidacy would be supported by a party whose members enjoyed great authority and had the necessary connections. In addition, all of them were united by the desire to achieve stability, end the era of repression and get more freedom in their actions. That is why the question of who ruled after Stalin's death does not always have an unambiguous answer - after all, there were three people at once who fought for power.

Triumvirate in power: the beginning of the split

The triumvirate, created under Stalin, divided the power. Most of it was concentrated in the hands of Malenkov and Beria. Khrushchev was assigned the role of secretary, which was not so significant in the eyes of his rivals. However, they underestimated the ambitious and assertive party member who stood out for his extraordinary thinking and intuition.

For those who ruled the country after Stalin, it was important to understand who first of all needed to be eliminated from the competition. The first target was Lavrenty Beria. Khrushchev and Malenkov were aware of the dossier for each of them that the Minister of the Interior, who was in charge of the entire system of repressive organs, had. In this regard, in July 1953, Beria was arrested, accused of espionage and some other crimes, thereby eliminating such a dangerous enemy.

Malenkov and his policies

Khrushchev's authority as the organizer of this conspiracy increased significantly, and his influence on other party members increased. However, while Malenkov was the chairman of the Council of Ministers, key decisions and directions in politics depended on him. At the first meeting of the Presidium, a course was taken towards de-Stalinization and the establishment of collective management of the country: it was planned to abolish the cult of personality, but to do it in such a way as not to diminish the merits of the “father of nations”. The main task set by Malenkov was to develop the economy taking into account the interests of the population. He proposed a fairly extensive program of changes, which was not adopted at a meeting of the Presidium of the Central Committee of the CPSU. Then Malenkov put forward the same proposals at the session of the Supreme Soviet, where they were approved. For the first time after Stalin's autocratic rule, the decision was made not by a party, but by an official authority. The Central Committee of the CPSU and the Politburo were forced to agree with this.

Further history will show that among those who ruled after Stalin, Malenkov would be the most "effective" in his decisions. The set of measures he took to combat the bureaucracy in the state and party apparatus, to develop the food and light industry, to expand the independence of collective farms bore fruit: 1954-1956 for the first time after the end of the war showed an increase in the rural population and an increase in agricultural production, which for many years decline and stagnation has become cost-effective. The effect of these measures lasted until 1958. It is this five-year plan that is considered the most productive and effective after Stalin's death.

Those who ruled after Stalin understood that it would not be possible to achieve such successes in light industry, since Malenkov's proposals for its development contradicted the tasks of the next five-year plan, which focused on promoting

I tried to approach the solution of problems from a rational point of view, applying economic, not ideological considerations. However, this order did not suit the party nomenklatura (headed by Khrushchev), which had practically lost its prevailing role in the life of the state. This was a weighty argument against Malenkov, who, under pressure from the party, submitted his resignation in February 1955. His place was taken by Khrushchev's ally Malenkov, who became one of his deputies, but after the dispersal of the anti-party group (of which he was a member) in 1957, along with his supporters, he was expelled from the Presidium of the Central Committee of the CPSU. Khrushchev took advantage of this situation and in 1958 removed Malenkov from the post of chairman of the Council of Ministers, taking his place and becoming the one who ruled after Stalin in the USSR.

Thus, he concentrated almost complete power in his hands. He got rid of two of the most powerful competitors and led the country.

Who ruled the country after the death of Stalin and the removal of Malenkov?

Those 11 years that Khrushchev ruled the USSR are rich in various events and reforms. On the agenda were many problems faced by the state after industrialization, war and attempts to restore the economy. The main milestones that are remembered for the era of Khrushchev's rule are as follows:

1. The virgin land development policy (not supported by scientific study) increased the number of cultivated areas, but did not take into account the climatic features that hindered the development of agriculture in the developed territories.
2. The Corn Campaign aimed at catching up and overtaking the United States, which had good harvests of this crop. The sown area for maize has doubled to the detriment of rye and wheat. But the result was sad - climatic conditions did not allow for a high harvest, and the reduction in areas for other crops provoked low rates of harvest. The campaign failed miserably in 1962 and resulted in higher prices for butter and meat, which caused discontent among the population.
3. The beginning of perestroika - the massive construction of houses, which allowed many families to move from hostels and communal apartments to apartments (so-called "Khrushchevs").

Results of Khrushchev's reign

Among those who ruled after Stalin, Nikita Khrushchev stood out for his unconventional and not always thoughtful approach to reforming within the state. Despite the numerous projects that were implemented, their inconsistency led to the removal of Khrushchev from office in 1964.